Skip to main content

Full text of "Camp Morton, 1861-1865, Indianapolis prison camp"

See other formats

"L  I  E>  RAHY 



In  2. 

CO|p.  <4- 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign 






CAMP  MORTON  1861-1865 









The  authors  must  express  their  thanks  to  Dr.  Coleman, 
to  Miss  Armstrong,  to  their  coadjutors  at  the  Historical 
Bureau  and  State  Library,  and  to  the  many  friends  who  have 
by  their  suggestions  increased  the  human  interest  of  this  small 
part  of  the  story  of  the  War  between  the  States.  During  a 
work  covering  some  years,  it  is  very  evident  that  such  credit 
as  may  accrue  is  due  to  a  great  many  people,  so  many  that 
were  it  not  for  the  "friendliness  of  the  folk"  such  a  work  could 
not  come  even  to  moderate  completion. 



At  the  Indiana  History  Conference  in  December,  1932, 
Joseph  R.  H.  Moore,  head  of  the  social  studies  depart- 
ment of  Emmerich  Manual  Training  High  School,  Indianap- 
olis, read  a  paper  upon  the  Civil  War  prisoners'  depot  at  Camp 
Morton,  in  which  he  had  long  been  interested.  He  generously 
agreed  to  extend  his  study  as  he  had  time  and  opportunity, 
and  present  it  to  the  Indiana  Historical  Society  for  publication. 
Meanwhile,  Mrs.  Hattie  Lou  Winslow,  of  the  social  studies 
department  of  Shortridge  High  School,  Indianapolis,  also 
became  interested  in  Camp  Morton  and  prepared  a  history  of  it 
in  connection  with  her  work  at  Butler  University.  Mr.  Moore 
and  Mrs.  Winslow  thereafter  combined  their  materials  for 
this  publication. 

The  many  purposes  served  by  Camp  Morton — recruiting 
camp,  prison  for  Confederate  soldiers,  and  place  of  detention 
for  Union  soldiers  on  parole — entitle  it  to  a  place  in  Civil  War 
annals.  At  various  times  there  has  been  controversy  over  the 
treatment  and  condition  of  the  prisoners  kept  at  Camp  Morton. 
The  authors  have  attempted  to  give  a  fair  and  objective  treat- 
ment of  the  subject,  and  to  provide  an  honest  picture  of  the  life 
of  the  camp. 

Christopher  B.  Coleman 

Secretary  Indiana  Historical  Society 




I.     Training  Camp,  1861   237 

II.     Prisoners'  Camp  under  Richard  Owen,  1862. .   251 

III.  David  Garland  Rose  :  Exchanges  and  Paroles, 

1862    286 

IV.  Emergency  Hospitals,  1862 305 

V.     Camp  Morton  in  Decline,  1863 314 

VI.     Reorganization    under   Colonel    Stevens, 

1863-64    333 

VII.     The  Last  Year,   1864-65    353 


I.     Abstract  of  Monthly  Returns   from  Camp 

Morton 379 

II.  Deaths  from  Certain  Diseases  and  Classes  of 
Diseases  at  Camp  Morton,  June  1863- 
June   1865    380 

III.  Ration  Reductions,  1864-65 381 

IV.  Abstract    of    Subsistence    Stores    issued   to 

Rebel  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,  1864.    382 




Bust  of  Colonel  Richard  Owen 262 

Plan  of  Camp  Morton,  1862 277 

Colonel  Ambrose  A.  Stevens 336 

Camp  Morton,  1864 342 

Plan  of  Camp  Morton,  1865 359 

Camp  Morton,  1864 366 


I.     TRAINING  CAMP,  1861 

During  the  1850's  every  good  citizen  of  Indianapolis  knew 
very  well  the  tract  of  land  now  circumscribed  by  Nine- 
teenth Street,  Talbott  Avenue,  Twenty-second  Street,  and 
Central  Avenue.  It  contained  approximately  thirty-six  acres 
and  belonged  to  Samuel  Henderson.  One  hundred  years  ago 
the  city  had  begun  pushing  slowly  out  along  East  Washington 
Street.  The  south  side  was  already  well  settled — with  some 
fine  dwellings — but  the  north  side  was  just  beginning  to  branch 
out  as  a  social  entity.  A  few  houses  were  to  be  found  north  of 
Washington  Street;  further  north  were  farms  and  orchards, 
and  away  out  in  the  country  was  the  Asylum  for  the  Blind. 
There  were  no  houses  on  Illinois  Street  north  of  Ninth  Street, 
and  east  of  Illinois  there  were  no  more  thoroughfares  until  a 
winding  country  road  was  reached,  the  predecessor  of  our 
present  Central  Avenue.  For  four  blocks  south  of  Nineteenth 
Street  there  was  not  even  a  farmhouse,  nothing  but  fields  and 
an  occasional  orchard. 

The  Honorable  Samuel  Henderson — he  became  the  first 
mayor  of  Indianapolis  in  184(5 — owned  a  large  farm  in  this 
region,  and  the  thirty-six  acres  formed  the  crown  of  the  farm, 
both  by  reason  of  its  height  and  because  it  was  the  most  beauti- 
ful part  of  his  property.  It  was  partially  wooded  with 
scattered  hardwoods,  mostly  black  walnut  and  oak,  with  fine 
greensward  between  the  groves.  There  were  at  least  four 
good  springs  on  the  area,  and  since  Mr.  Henderson  was  known 
to  be  friendly  to  everyone,  it  became  the  favorite  place  for 
"twosomes,"  for  family  picnics,  and,  when  the  Methodists  felt 
the  need,  it  was  the  logical  place  for  a  camp  meeting. 

On  Illinois  Street,  Twenty-second  Street  marked  the  north- 
ern limit  of  civilization.  Beyond  was  a  wilderness,  perhaps 
because  in  that  area  a  tract  of  low,  soft  ground  through  which 
ran  a  "bayou"  put  a  stop  to  traffic.  Northeast  of  the  city, 
about  three  miles  from  "the  Governor's  Circle"  was  "the 
swamp,"  drained  by  two  more  bayous.  One  of  these  became 
Pogue's  Run  as  it  went  south  and  southwest ;  the  other,  running 



somewhat  south  of  west,  cut  across  the  eastern  end  of  Hender- 
son's Grove,  flowed  west  about  the  northerly  line  of  Nine- 
teenth Street  until  it  passed  a  little  west  of  Alabama  Street, 
then  northwesterly  to  Twenty-second  Street,  where  it  turned 
west  again  before  emptying  into  Fall  Creek. 

This  creek  was  usually  dry  in  the  summer,  but  at  the  time 
of  the  spring  rains  it  became  a  turbulent  stream,  overflowing 
its  banks  and  doing  damage  all  out  of  proportion  to  its  size. 
During  the  legislative  session  of  1837,  commissioners  were 
appointed  to  study  the  situation  and  to  construct  a  ditch  large 
and  deep  enough  to  accommodate  the  water  of  this  small 
stream.1  The  work  consisted  mainly  of  straightening  and 
deepening  the  existing  bed  to  allow  better  flowage  and  thus 
do  away  with  the  occasional  stagnant  places  which  in  summer 
became  evil-smelling  mudholes  and  breeding  places  for  the 
mosquito.  This  improvement  was  called  the  "State  Ditch," 
and  later,  by  the  prisoners  of  Camp  Morton,  the  "Potomac." 

Toward  the  end  of  the  1850's  there  began  to  be  talk  about 
utilizing  the  area  known  as  Henderson's  or  Otis'  Grove  as  a 
site  for  the  State  Fairground;  it  was  not  too  near  the  settled 
part  of  the  city,  but  near  enough  to  be  reached  conveniently  in 
the  days  when  people  thought  nothing  of  walking  a  mile  and 
a  half  and  back  again.  In  1859  possession  was  actually  taken, 
and  certain  structures  were  built  to  fulfill  the  requirements  for 
"a  place  of  universal  interest."  Along  the  northern  side  of  the 
grounds  was  a  long  structure  like  a  shed.  It  had  a  strong  roof 
with  suitable  uprights,  and  not  much  in  the  way  of  siding — 
wide  boards  placed  vertically,  with  battens  covering  the  cracks. 
Some  of  the  boards  seem  to  have  been  green,  or  perhaps  the 
nails  that  were  supposed  to  hold  the  battens  were  not  driven  in 
straight;  at  any  rate,  there  was  much  criticism  because  the 
horses  stabled  in  these  long  sheds  were  not  properly  protected, 
especially  where  the  south  side  of  the  structure  was  left  open 

^The  act  appointed  Calvin  Fletcher  and  Thomas  Johnson  commissioners 
"to  superintend  the  draining  of  the  swamps  and  low  lands  immediately  north 
east  of  Indianapolis,  the  out  let  of  which  over  flows  the  grounds  west,  north 
east,  and  north  of  the  State  house  square."  Laws  of  Indiana,  1836-37  (local), 
pp.  409-10;  Ignatius  Brown,  "History  of  Indianapolis,  from  1818  to  1868," 
in  Logan's  Indianapolis  Directory  .  .  .  (Indianapolis,  Logan  &  Co.,  1868), 
pp.  39-40. 


to  the  weather.  At  the  west  end  of  the  grounds  were  250 
stalls  for  cattle,  with  sheds  for  the  prize  sheep  and  hogs,  all 
well  covered.  In  addition  there  was  a  hall  for  the  exhibition  of 
farm  machinery,  domestic  manufactures,  and  farm  produce. 
Near  the  east  end  was  a  large  dining  room,  and  about  the 
center  of  the  grounds  was  the  only  two-story  building  in  the 
place,  an  office  building  with  several  sizeable  rooms.2  By 
1 86 1  Henderson's  Grove  or  the  State  Fairgrounds  was  well 
known  all  over  the  state. 

On  April  12  of  that  year  Fort  Sumter  was  fired  upon. 
There  was  intense  excitement  on  the  streets  of  Indianapolis. 
Little  business  was  done  in  the  stores,  but  a  great  deal  of  talk- 
ing went  on  in  the  streets.  Did  the  sovereign  state  of  South 
Carolina  have  the  right  to  fire  on  the  flag  of  the  United  States  ? 
Was  Anderson  right  in  defying  the  governor  and  state  ?  There 
had  never  in  the  history  of  the  city  been  a  day  like  this  one.3  A 
mass  meeting  at  the  Marion  County  Courthouse  had  to  be  ad- 
journed to  the  Metropolitan  Theater,  and  this,  in  turn,  over- 
flowed to  the  Masonic  Hall  across  the  street.  Two  days  later, 
when  word  came  of  President  Lincoln's  proclamation  asking 
for  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers,  Governor  Oliver  Perry 
Morton  stepped  forward  on  the  stage.  Morton  came  from  a 
race  of  fighters ;  he  was  named  for  a  great  American  fighter. 
Far  from  being  a  "yes''  man,  he  might  have  been  described  as  a 
"no  compromise"  man,  for  he  believed  that  the  recalcitrant 
South  should  be  compelled  to  live  up  to  the  terms  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  Without  a  day's  delay  he  tele- 
graphed the  President  an  offer  of  ten  thousand  men.  Recruit- 
ing stations  were  opened  that  day,  and  members  of  military 
companies  and  other  volunteers  rushed  to  enlist. 

On  the  same  day  Morton  chose  his  adjutant  general — a 
fellow  lawyer  who  had  had  experience  in  the  army,  whose 
judgment  he  trusted,  and  whose  loyalty  to  the  Constitution  was 

2James  Sutherland  (comp.),  Indianapolis  Directory  and  Business  Mirror 
for  1861  .  .  .  (Indianapolis:  Bowen,  Stewart  &  Co.,  1861),  pp.  47-49.  The 
description  of  the  grounds  is  accompanied  by  a  chart  showing  the  location 
of  the  various  points  of  interest.  See  also  State  Board  of  Agriculture, 
Report,  1859  (Indianapolis,  1861),  pp.  lxvii,  lxxx,  Ixxxi. 

3See  John  H.  Holliday's  account  of  these  days  in  Jacob  Piatt  Dunn's 
Greater  Indianapolis  ...   (2  volumes,  Chicago,  1910),  I,  217  ff. 


beyond  doubt.  General  Wallace,  known  to  us  as  "Lew"  Wal- 
lace, came  to  Indianapolis  to  survey  the  town  with  the  Governor 
in  search  of  a  suitable  spot  for  the  reception  of  the  Indiana 
troops  as  they  came  in.  An  area  extending  west  from  the 
State  House  toward  the  river  received  some  consideration,  but 
it  was  hardly  large  enough  and  there  were  no  suitable  buildings. 
Henderson's  Grove  had  all  the  requisites.  It  was  far  enough 
out  of  town ;  it  had  water,  shade,  and  buildings ;  it  was  on  as 
high  ground  as  there  was  in  the  neighborhood ;  and,  best  of  all, 
it  had  happy  connections  in  the  minds  of  the  people. 

On  April  17,  the  first  troops  came  into  camp.  They  were, 
of  course,  the  local  companies  of  Guards  and  Zouaves,  but  men 
and  boys  from  further  out  in  the  state  came  in  from  day  to 
day  and  were  formed  into  companies  and  regiments  as  fast  as 
they  assembled.  These  first  regiments  of  Indiana  soldiers 
were  well  drilled  and  well  uniformed.  They  were  fine  speci- 
mens physically,  too. 

The  practical  problems  of  a  training  camp  were  many. 
Where  to  put  the  new  soldiers  ?  How  to  feed  them  ?  How  to 
control  them?  How  to  train  them  in  military  tactics?  The 
existing  buildings  were  utilized  as  offices.  The  office  near  the 
carriage  entrance  was  made  headquarters,  with  Colonel 
Joseph  J.  Reynolds  in  charge ;  the  first  floor  of  the  committee 
building  became  the  quartermaster's  office;  the  second  floor 
was  the  medical  inspector's  office  under  Dr.  John  S.  Bobbs; 
in  the  large  dining  hall  was  the  commissary's  store,  where  food 
was  dispensed  on  the  requisition  of  company  officers;  the 
treasurer's  office  became  the  guardhouse;  and  the  power  hall 
was  fitted  up  as  a  hospital. 

The  remaining  halls  on  the  grounds  were  fitted  with  bunks, 
but  as  they  could  not  accommodate  more  than  two  thousand 
men,  the  long  rows  of  stalls  were  put  to  use  as  hunters'  camps, 
one  side  open  to  the  weather.  Six  men  were  assigned  to  each 
stall,  their  cooking  fire  out  in  front.  Signs  became  the  fashion, 
and  such  men  as  had  artistic  instinct,  and  some  who  did  not, 
put  up  their  modest  advertisements :  "Bates  House,"  "Burnett 
House,"  "washing  and  ironing,"  "dress  making,"  "hair  dress- 
ing," and  the  like.  Across  the  east  end  of  the  area  sprang  up 
another  row  of  sheds,  also  open  to  the  weather,  and  along  the 


south  edge  of  the  camp  as  near  as  might  be  to  the  State  Ditch, 
other  rows  of  stalls  were  erected.4  By  the  end  of  April,  1861, 
there  were  shelters  of  a  sort  for  six  thousand  men. 

The  new  sheds  were  built  of  green  lumber,  the  boards  ten 
to  twelve  inches  wide,  and  battens  four  inches  wide.  Sun  and 
rain  got  in  their  work  on  the  green  lumber,  and  soon  the 
soldiers  were  complaining  heartily  about  their  drafty,  leaking 
quarters.5  Some  of  the  new  "stalls"  were  closed  on  all  four 
sides,  and  their  inside  arrangement  was  thought  to  be  very 
good.  Along  two  sides  of  the  shed,  extending  seven  feet  to- 
ward the  middle,  were  constructed  four  tiers  of  bunks.  The 
lowest  tier  was  one  foot  from  the  ground,  which  served  as  a 
floor;  it  was  three  feet  to  the  second,  and  three  feet  to  the 
third,  which  was  on  the  level  of  the  eaves.  Two  feet  of  space 
were  allowed  each  man.  With  this  arrangement  each  barracks 
would  hold  about  320  men.  There  was  space  enough  between 
the  two  rows  of  bunks  for  long  tables,  serving  as  dining  tables 
and  as  a  suitable  place  for  playing  games.  Entrance  was 
through  large  "barn  doors"  at  each  end,  where  the  floor  be- 
came a  mudhole  at  every  heavy  rainstorm,  although  the  out- 
side was  ditched  to  carry  off  the  rain.6  The  camp  was 
surrounded  by  a  high  board  fence,  with  armed  guards  every 
twenty  paces.7 

Confusion  was  inevitable  in  a  camp  so  hastily  put  into 
operation,  and  so  soon  overflowing  with  its  thousands  of  newly 
enlisted  men.  Some  of  the  men  were  sworn  in  at  the  State 
House  and  sent  to  Camp  Morton  for  regular  muster  and  place- 
ment, while  other  groups  went  directly  to  the  camp.  Muster 
rolls  were  badly  written.  Many  of  the  men  were  illiterate,  and 
the  company  clerks  who  wrote  their  names  often  misspelled 
them.  Many  recruits  thought  it  was  a  joke  to  give  a  ridiculous 
name,  while  others,  who  had  run  away  from  home,  gave  false 
names  in  order  "not  to  be  catched." 

4Indianapolis  Sentinel,  April  23,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

5John  A.  Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine, 
XLI,  846  (April,  1891). 

6Ibid.;  John  A.  Wyeth,  With  Sabre  and  Scalpel  (Harper  &  Brothers, 
New  York  and  London,  1914),  PP-  288-89. 

7Letter  of  Herman  Bamberger,  dated  April  21,  1861,  in  Indianapolis 
News,  May  18,  1914,  p.  10,  c.  1. 


As  the  troops  kept  pouring  in,  it  became  necessary  to  sup- 
plement the  barracks  and  stalls  with  tents,  and  then  to  divide 
the  troops  and  give  them  quarters  outside  the  camp,  although 
Camp  Morton  remained  the  principal  station.  The  Zouave 
Regiment,  or  Eleventh  Indiana,  of  special  interest  because  of 
its  famous  colonel,  Lew  Wallace,  who  had  resigned  his  position 
as  adjutant,  was  moved  to  the  old  Belle fontaine  car  shop.8 

Two  Irish  regiments  and  a  German  regiment  were  formed, 
since  it  was  found  wise  not  to  mix  nationalities.  Experience 
later  proved  that  it  was  not  wise  to  use  a  German  regiment 
and  an  Irish  regiment  side  by  side  in  a  charge,  lest  their  ardor 
to  see  which  could  "git  thar  fust"  upset  a  carefully  planned 
military  maneuver.  Both  groups  loved  music,  and  their  ri- 
valry in  singing  gave  other  regiments  many  a  fine  evening's 
entertainment.  There  were  also  a  railroad  regiment  and  a 
mechanic's  regiment.9 

When  the  cold  weather  set  in,  the  members  of  this  latter, 
under  Colonel  A.  D.  Streight,  conceived  the  idea  of  warming 
their  tents  by  constructing  a  series  of  hot-air  furnaces.  Be- 
neath each  tent  was  dug  a  trench  some  feet  longer  than  the 
diameter  of  the  tent  and  covered  first  with  stone,  and  then 
with  earth.  At  one  end  a  huge  square  hole  served  as  a  furnace 
mouth  and  the  smoke,  escaping  through  a  chimney  at  the  other 
end,  warmed  the  earth.  This  arrangement  left  the  tent  clear 
of  smoke  with  no  danger  of  fire.10 

When  Camp  Morton  was  first  occupied,  an  attempt  was 
made  to  confine  all  drills  to  the  grounds,  but  it  soon  became 
apparent  that  the  buildings  and  numerous  trees  permitted  noth- 
ing more  than  squad  and  company  drills.  An  area  just  south 
of  the  camp  was  then  acquired,  where  large  bodies  of  troops 
could  be  taught  to  good  advantage.  Over  this  drill  ground, 
where  officers  and  men  alike  were  struggling  to  take  on  a 
military  cast,  there  occasionally  rang  out  an  order  more  notable 
for  its  urgency  than  for  its  conformity  to  soldierly  usages. 
One  captain  who  had   been  a  railroader   for  years   saw   his 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  April  26,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  3 ;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
April  25,  1861,  p.  2,  c.  1. 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  September  7,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2. 
"Indianapolis  Journal,  November  22,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


command  about  to  march  into  a  fence.  "Down  brakes!"  he 
shouted.  "Down  brakes!"  Another  officer  allowed  his  at- 
tention to  wander  for  a  moment  during  regimental  drill ;  sud- 
denly he  realized  that  the  command  to  halt  had  been  given  and 
in  his  excitement  betrayed  how  recently  he  had  come  from  the 
farm  by  resorting  to  the  old  familiar  "whoa  I"11 

Camp  Morton  quickly  became  a  center  of  attraction.  Roads 
leading  to  it  were  filled  with  vehicles  of  all  sorts,  private  and 
public.  It  was  fashionable  to  drive  out  to  Camp  Morton,  and 
in  the  afternoon  the  carriages  of  the  best  people  of  the  town 
might  be  seen  appearing  and  disappearing  in  the  clouds  of  dust 
that  hovered  over  the  most  respectable  roads.  The  hack  busi- 
ness became  a  thriving  enterprise.  Ten  cents  was  the  fare 
from  the  Circle,  the  "prop"  paying  a  city  license  fee  of  ten 
dollars  a  year  for  the  use  of  the  street  to  and  from  the  camp.12 

Sunday  was  the  popular  day  for  visitors.  On  April 
21,  1 86 1,  it  was  estimated  that  there  were  ten  thousand  of 
them,  making,  with  the  five  thousand  soldiers  at  camp,  a 
huge  throng  for  those  times.13  These  visitors  did  not  under- 
stand that  much  of  the  work  of  an  army  camp  must  proceed  on 
Sunday  as  well  as  on  week  days,  nor  did  they  grasp  the  fact 
that  homesick  boys  must  be  kept  occupied  at  all  times.  There 
was  little  to  set  apart  the  Sabbath  day  save  that  at  times  re- 
ligious services  were  held  for  the  different  groups.  Everyday 
labor  went  on  as  usual  among  the  three  hundred  civilians 
about  the  camp,  and  the  speakers  had  to  compete  with  the  sound 
of  sawing  and  hammering,  with  teamsters  addressing  mules 
in  the  language  which  they  seemed  best  to  understand;  with 
the  shrill  noises  of  nails  being  drawn  from  boxes;  and  with 
drill  sergeants  addressing  their  squads  of  recruits.14 

The  Sunday  following  the  deluge  of  visitors,  the  camp 
was  ordered  closed  to  all  outsiders.  "The  camp  has  been  so 
crowded  since  it  was  formed,"  stated  the  Sentinel  of  April  27, 
"that  it  is  only  a  matter  of  justice  to  the  men  to  allow  them 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  November  4,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2. 
"Indianapolis  Journal,  April  24,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2;  July  13,  p.  3,  c.  1. 
13Letter  of  Herman  Bamberger,  dated  April  21,   1861,  in  Indianapolis 
News,  May  18,  191 4,  p.  10,  c.  1. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  April  22,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


one  day  in  the  week  free  from  intrusion,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
respect  due  to  the  day." 

During  that  week  a  barrack  rumor  did  its  best  to  mortify 
all  good  citizens.  It  was  noised  abroad  that  the  Honorable 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  would  speak  at  Camp  Morton.  The  city 
hummed  with  excitement.  The  state  legislators,  then  in  special 
session,  marched  out  to  the  camp  in  a  body,  preceded  by  the 
National  Guard  Band.  Such  a  jam  resulted  that  Mr.  Douglas 
could  not  even  see  the  camp,  much  less  inspect  it.  And  there 
was  no  speech.  Douglas  was  finally  obliged  to  escape  by  a 
side  road  to  rejoin  his  party.15  In  the  meantime  a  report  went 
out  among  the  crowd  that  the  wells  had  been  poisoned  and  that 
a  peddler  had  been  selling  poisoned  oranges  in  camp.  To  still 
the  first  report,  the  guard  at  the  wells  was  doubled,  and  the 
second  was  disposed  of  by  the  quick  wit  of  Dr.  Fletcher,  who 
stopped  a  riot  by  eating  one  of  the  libeled  oranges.16  These 
matters  resulted  in  a  tightening  of  discipline  and  a  more 
military  atmosphere. 

The  government  regulations  gave  the  bugle  calls  for  the 
day  as  follows  :17 

1.  Reveille   6     a.  m.  7.  Dinner     12^  m. 

2.  Police  call    6%.  a.  m.  8.  Drill     2     p.  m. 

3.  Breakfast      7     a.  m.  9.  Retreat  Parade   5     p.  m. 

4.  Guard  Mounting 8     a.  m.  10.  Supper     6     p.  m. 

5.  Drill     8J/2  a.  m.  11.  Tattoo    9     p.  m. 

6.  Drill     11      a.  m.  12.  Taps    10     p.  m. 

Distribution  of  soldiers'  mail  became  a  problem  as  soon  as 
the  camp  was  established.  Before  the  end  of  April,  186 1,  J.  F. 
Dougherty  was  made  a  "route  agent"  between  the  town  and  the 
camp.  Letters  and  papers  were  sent  to  company  headquarters 
four  times  a  day,  and  by  May  1  there  were  about  two  hundred 
letters  in  and  out  each  day.  On  May  4,  a  new  post  office  was 
commissioned  at  the  camp  (Dillard  C.  Donohue,  postmaster) 
so  that  mail  could  be  sent  direct.18 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  April  25,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
April  25,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

^Indianapolis  Journal,  April  25,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
April  25,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  extra,  April  21,  1861,  c.  4. 

™Ibid.,  May  10,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2;  Post  Office  Index,  Indiana  Division, 
Indiana  State  Library. 


Soldier  recreation  was  plentiful.  Games  brought  from 
home  included  checkers,  chess,  and  card  games,  and  there  was 
the  usual  "rough  stuff"  such  as  the  Knights  of  Malta  initia- 
tion— this  meant  being  tossed  on  a  piece  of  tent  canvas  handled 
by  a  squad  of  tormentors.19  There  were  always  rumors  about 
the  progress  of  the  war,  interlarded  with  stories  of  blunders 
made  by  officers  and  men.  These,  it  was  admitted,  improved 
directly  as  the  square  of  the  distance  they  traveled.  Some  one 
officer  or  enlisted  man  was  likely  to  serve  as  the  camp  "butt." 
Captain  Will  C.  Moreau,  a  relative  of  the  victor  of  Hohen- 
linden,  was  one  of  these.  While  in  Indiana  to  recruit  a 
company  of  cavalry,  he  gave  a  dinner  for  his  friends  and 
several  prominent  citizens.  Instead  of  the  "beans,  salt  pork 
and  sheet  iron  biscuit"  which  usually  comprised  the  dinner  at 
an  officer's  headquarters,  the  Journal  describes  Captain 
Moreau's  feast  as  "a  dinner,  which  in  the  way  of  oysters, 
champagne,  and  all  the  most  desirable  additions  of  a  recherche 
feast,  has  had  no  parallel  in  our  memory."  Such  an  occasion 
caused  no  end  of  comment  around  the  camp.20 

One  of  the  most  active  agencies  in  helping  with  the  emer- 
gency was  the  Ladies  Patriotic  Association,  organized  by 
Mrs.  Morton  and  conducted  by  her  for  both  Union  recruits 
and  Confederate  prisoners.  She  was  a  militant  president,  and 
when  she  thought  that  the  work  was  not  up  to  the  necessities 
of  the  moment,  she  scolded  the  members  publicly  through  the 
columns  of  the  Journal  and  Sentinel.  The  association  was 
nonsectarian,  nonpolitical,  and  as  a  rule  very  active,  often 
meeting  at  the  Governor's  Mansion.  One  Saturday  the  group 
made  over  two  hundred  dollars  worth  of  flannel  into  gar- 
ments.21 Havelocks  were  made  for  the  men,  and  when  an 
epidemic  of  measles  brought  a  sudden  demand,  sheets,  pillow- 
cases, towels,  and  shirts  were  provided.22 

These  ladies  also  conducted  campaigns  for  gifts  for  the 
camp.  On  October  10,  Governor  Morton  sent  out  a  special 
appeal  to  the  ladies  for  blankets,  socks,  gloves  and  mittens, 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  May  25,  t86i,  p.  3,  c.  1. 
20 Ibid.,  October  22,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2. 
^Ibid.,  April  21,  1861,  extra,  c.  3. 
"Ibid.,  May  17,  1861,  p.  3.  c.  1. 


woolen  shirts,  and  drawers.  Six  weeks  later  it  was  announced 
that  tons  of  materials  had  been  received,  enough  of  everything 
except  gloves  and  mittens.23  Other  appeals,  made  to  patriotic 
societies  throughout  the  state,  met  with  a  most  generous  re- 
sponse. Articles  most  acceptable  were  "beef  or  salt  pork,  flour, 
sugar  and  rice,  in  barrels  or  sacks;  white  beans,  dried  apples 
and  peaches,  in  barrels  or  sacks;  crackers  in  barrels;  hard  soap, 
tallow  or  star  candles,  in  boxes ;  bacon — either  hams,  shoulders 
or  sides,  in  barrels,  casks  or  boxes."24 

The  problem  of  clothing  was  for  many  months  a  serious 
one.  The  boys  often  came  to  camp  barefoot  and  with  clothes 
for  warm  weather  only.  Many  had  not  much  more  than 
trousers  and  shirt.  Pending  the  arrival  of  government  uni- 
forms and  supplies,  the  state  had  to  do  its  best,  aided  by  gifts. 
Two  regiments  were  clothed  in  cadet  satinet,  two-piece  suits, 
at  $7.90  each.  One  regiment  had  jean  uniforms  at  $6.50 
each;  another,  a  better  grade  of  the  same  material,  at  $7.50  a 
suit.  The  Fifth  Indiana  wore  gray  satinet  at  $6.75  a  uniform, 
while  the  gay  Zouaves  rejoiced  in  ten-dollar  costumes  of  the 
Josephian  variety.  Flannel  shirts  cost  $1.40  each,  hats  $1.25, 
and  shoes  $1.15  a  pair.  By  the  time  cold  weather  approached, 
it  had  to  be  admitted  that  the  war  would  not  be  over  in  a  few 
weeks,  and  officials  began  to  demand  that  jackets  and  trousers 
should  be  all  wool.25 

During  the  first  summer  the  health  of  the  soldiers  at  Camp 
Morton  was  remarkably  good,  giving  little  warning  of  the 
terrible  health  problems  of  the  later  years.  Drs.  John  M. 
Kitchen  and  Patrick  H.  Jameson  were  in  charge  of  the  sick 
among  the  troops  at  the  camp,  and  were  asked  to  provide 
suitable  hospital  accommodations.  Sick  calls  in  the  morning 
regularly  brought  all  minor  cases  to  the  receiving  hospital  on 
the  camp  grounds,  while  serious  cases  were  sent  by  ambulance 
to  the  City  Hospital,  a  new  building  not  heretofore  occupied. 
It  became  an  army  hospital  on  April  2g.26     In  May,   1861, 

^Holliday,  "Civil  War  Times,"  in  Dunn,  Greater  Indianapolis,  I,  224. 

24Indianapolis  Sentinel,  April  22,  1861,  p.  2,  c.  3. 

^Holliday,  "Civil  War  Times,"  in  Dunn,  Greater  Indianapolis,  I,  222. 

^Report  of  Hospital  Surgeons,  Drs.  Kitchen  &  Jameson  (Indianapolis, 
1863),  in  Indiana  and  the  War,  I,  No.  31,  Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State 
Library;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  16,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  4. 


out  of  probably  seven  thousand  men  in  camp,  there  were  only 
fifteen  hospital  cases,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  tem- 
porary cases  suffering  from  diarrhea  or  colds.27  When  the 
first  death  occurred  at  Camp  Morton,  the  members  of  the 
legislature  made  personal  contributions  for  the  purchase  of  a 
lot  in  which  soldiers  dying  in  camp  might  be  buried  if  there 
were  no  relatives  to  claim  the  body.28 

Of  all  the  problems  at  Camp  Morton  in  1861,  the  most  con- 
stantly annoying  one  was  the  food  question.  Complaining 
about  the  food  was  the  standard  amusement  of  the  soldiers, 
indoor  and  outdoor.  All  good  soldiers  complain  about  every- 
thing, the  complaints,  like  water,  flowing  downward,  for  no 
wise  soldier  complains  so  that  his  superior  officers  can  hear. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  no  one  knew  very  much  about 
dietary  requirements  or  about  how  to  secure  in  quantity  the 
multitudinous  things  that  a  large  camp  needs.  There  was  a 
very  limited  variety  of  canned  goods.  Salt  meat  of  varying 
degrees  of  saltiness,  salt  fish,  fruit  and  vegetables,  and  jelly, 
were  about  all  these  boys  of  1861  could  hope  for.  "Glassed'' 
fruit  was  expensive,  largely  on  account  of  the  price  of  sugar, 
and  the  boxes  from  home  too  often  resulted  in  intestinal  dis- 
turbances of  a  serious  character.  There  was  no  market  of 
foods  on  an  enormous  scale,  as  there  is  now.  The  wonder  is 
that  rations  were  not  infinitely  worse. 

The  first  commissary  general  was  Isaiah  Mansur,  an 
honest  man  and  a  hard  worker.  As  it  happened,  he  had  to 
begin  the  feeding  of  the  troops  and,  simultaneously,  learn  all 
the  army  rules  and  regulations  concerning  supplies.  No  pro- 
visions were  on  hand  and  he  had  to  buy  where  he  could  and  in 
small  quantities.  Since  a  large  proportion  of  the  boys  came 
from  homes  where  food  was  plentiful,  and  since  they  were  all 
unacquainted  with  army  cooking  and  camp  economy,  the 
Governor  and  Mr.  Mansur  thought  it  wise  to  issue  larger 
allotments  of  food  than  the  regular  army  allowance  granted. 
The  following  table  will  show  how  advantageous  the  arrange- 
ment was  for  the  troops  :29 

27Indianapolis  Journal,  May  1,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

"Ibid.,  May  3,  1861,  p.  3,  c.  3. 

29Indiana  House  Journal,  1861  (special  session),  pp.  213-14. 




Pork    75      lbs no  lbs. 


Beef    125      lbs 150  lbs. 

Flour    112%  lbs .* 150  lbs. 


Hard  Bread    100      lbs none 

Beans      8      qts 130  lbs. 


Rice     10      lbs 12  lbs. 

Coffee    6      lbs 8  lbs. 

Sugar    12      lbs 16  lbs. 

Vinegar    1      gal 2*4  gals. 

Candles     1^  lbs 3  lbs. 

Soap    4      lbs 6  lbs. 

Salt     2      qts 12  lbs. 

Potatoes 100  lbs. 

Pepper 1  lb. 

Dried  fruit 11/1  lbs. 

Onions 3  bu. 

Pickles  and  other  anti- 
scorbutics   no  special  amount 

Nevertheless,  the  complaints  poured  into  the  newspapers. 
The  meat  was  too  salty,  the  dried  apples  wormy,  the  beans 
unsound,  and,  most  loudly  criticized  of  all,  the  coffee  was 
adulterated  with  parched  beans.  Many  of  these  boys  had  been 
accustomed  in  their  own  homes  to  coffee  substitutes  made  of 
parched  grains  including  chicory,  rye,  and  maize.  "Rye- 
'n'lnjun"  made  a  hot  drink  that  was  good  and  relatively  harm- 
less (at  least,  no  one  needed  to  worry  about  caffeine  or  theo- 
bromine, while  knowledge  of  vitamins  and  calories  were  at 
least  two  generations  in  the  future)  ;  the  troops  were  not 
hungry  (it  was  no  uncommon  thing  to  see  soldiers  pelting 
each  other  with  potatoes  or  bacon  or  loaves  of  bread)  ;30  but 
the  citizens  of  Indiana  were  vastly  excited.  There  was  talk 
of  unlawful  profits  in  the  Commissary  General's  office,  and 
much  sentimental  indignation  over  the  injustice  done  to  In- 
diana's heroic  sons.  To  think  "that  the  poor  boys  should  be 
put  off  with  anything  less  than  the  fat  of  the  land  afforded!" 
There  began  an  inpouring  of  boxes  from  home :  roast  fowl, 

^Terrell.  Report,  I,  452. 


baked  ham,  fresh  butter  and  eggs,  jellies,  accompanied  too 
often  by  pound  cake,  pickles,  and  other  indigestible  goodies 
that  were  regarded  without  charity  by  the  surgeons  at  the 
emergency  hospital. 

The  legislature  insisted  upon  an  investigation  of  the  Com- 
missary General's  office.  The  report  of  the  investigating 
committee  exonerated  Mansur ;  in  fact,  it  served  to  show  how 
good  a  job  had  been  done  under  the  worst  possible  conditions, 
and  that  Mansur  had  lost  personally  instead  of  making  large 
sums  unlawfully.  The  only  proof  of  trouble  had  to  do  with 
the  way  the  coffee  was  handled  before  it  reached  Mr.  Mansur's 
hands,  a  matter  for  which  he  was  in  no  way  responsible. 
Spoiled  meat  had  been  served  on  one  day,  but  it  had  been 
replaced  with  good  meat  as  soon  as  the  trouble  was  reported. 
Financial  records  were  in  very  good  shape  considering  the  fact 
that  a  large  business  had  been  done  by  inexperienced  persons. 
The  Senate  took  no  action,  but  the  House,  of  a  political  cast 
disinclined  to  support  Mansur,  passed  a  resolution  demanding 
his  removal.  As  Mr.  Mansur  had  accepted  the  position  only 
out  of  a  sense  of  duty,  he  took  this  opportunity  to 

Governor  Morton  appointed  Asahel  Stone  to  take  Mansur's 
place.  Like  his  predecessor,  Stone  furnished  many  items  not 
provided  for  by  army  regulations.  For  a  few  months  things 
went  better,  but  presently  there  was  a  complaint  that  the  coffee 
was  not  only  adulterated,  but  "the  worst  on  the  market."  In 
the  fall  of  1861  the  United  States  Government  took  over  all  the 
work  of  subsisting  the  troops  in  Indiana  during  their  training 
period.  From  that  time  on  standard  army  rations  were  given 
out,  and  the  boys  began  to  realize  how  well  Mansur  and  Stone 
had  looked  after  them.32  At  least  under  the  new  regime  they 
were  broken  in  before  they  went  into  the  field. 

Constant  turnover  of  the  higher  officers  was  another 
characteristic  of  the  camp  at  this  early  time.  Since  no  good 
officer  wanted  to  stay  in  camp  doing  the  work  of  a  nursery 
maid  when  there  was  fighting  to  be  done  elsewhere,  there  was 

31Terrell,  Report,  I,  451-54;  Indiana  House  Journal,  1861  (special 
session),  pp.  213-18,  242-43,  253-54;  Indiana  Senate  Journal,  1861  (special 
session),  p.  164. 

"Terrell,  op.  cit.,  I,  454-55- 


a  succession  of  resignations  among  the  higher  officers  who 
left  to  go  into  the  field.  Replacements  had  to  be  made  from 
officers  more  or  less  new  to  the  work.  Practically  all  the  more 
important  men  connected  with  Camp  Morton  were  criticized 
bitterly  in  letters  that  were  sent  home  from  camp. 

Clothing  supplies  were  constantly  under  criticism,  especially 
after  cold  weather  set  in,  for  a  large  part  of  them,  purchased 
at  the  price  of  first-grade  wool,  were  said  to  be  shoddy.  Men's 
minds  were  full  of  worry  and  tempers  were  short.  After 
the  United  States  took  control,  Major  Alexander  Montgomery, 
United  States  Quartermaster  at  Indianapolis,  became  involved 
in  a  controversy  with  Governor  Morton  and  the  rest  of  the 
state  government  over  the  purchase  of  overcoats  for  troops 
in  the  field,  and  the  resulting  delay  caused  serious  discomfort 
to  the  poor  boys  who  were  forced  to  do  without  the  coats  dur- 
ing the  wrangling.  The  overcoat  was  the  most  expensive  part 
of  a  soldier's  equipment,  and  both  lack  of  materials  and  in- 
efficiency in  turning  them  out  were  of  serious  consequence  to 
both  soldiers  and  prisoners.33 

Governor  Morton  probably  considered  his  cup  of  trouble 
full  with  these  problems,  but  others  were  soon  added.  Re- 
curring scandals,  attempts  to  run  the  guards,  and  difficulties 
with  inefficient  officers  kept  him  busy.  The  first  six  regi- 
ments were  completed,  started  for  the  field,  returned,  were 
discharged  and  re-enlisted.  New  men  were  constantly  being 
taken  into  the  training  units,  when  in  February,  1862,  a  new 
and  imperative  need  appeared  in  the  troubled  field  of  military 
activities.  Prisoners  of  war  were  being  taken  in  large  num- 
bers, and  had  to  be  taken  care  of.  Prison  camps  were  scat- 
tered all  over  the  northern  states,  wherever  transportation 
facilities  and  local  conditions  made  it  possible  to  care  for 
large  groups  of  men.  Camp  Morton  met  the  requirements 
better  than  many  places  and  was  taken  over  by  the  Federal 
Government  to  house  Confederate  prisoners. 

33Indianapolis  Journal,  October  8,  1861,  p.  2,  c.  1  ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
November  5,  1861,  p.  2,  c.  2-3 ;  November  6,  1861,  p.  2,  c.  1,  2;  Terrell,  Report, 
I,  316-18. 


In  the  early  days  of  the  Civil  War,  neither  the  North  nor 
the  South  had  any  organization  for  handling  prisoners. 
Both  sides  expected  the  war  to  be  of  short  duration,  and  for 
some  time  no  attempt  was  made  to  detain  captured  soldiers. 
They  were  paroled  on  oath  not  to  serve  in  the  field  as  com- 
batants until  duly  exchanged,  and  then  turned  loose  to  make 
their  way  home  as  best  they  could.  Such  a  plan  was  humane 
and  efficient  in  minor  conflicts,  but  when  it  was  realized  that 
a  long  struggle  was  inevitable,  provision  for  the  confinement 
of  prisoners  became  necessary. 

By  law  and  army  regulations  this  duty  fell  to  the  Quarter- 
master General,  Montgomery  C.  Meigs.  The  regulations  called 
for  a  commissary  general  of  prisoners  who  was  to  keep  an 
account  of  the  prisoners,  assume  charge  of  all  captives  taken 
by  his  government,  manage  the  business  of  exchange  in  case  of 
cartel,  and  transmit  to  the  prisoners  held  by  the  enemy  such 
supplies  as  were  sent  them.  Accordingly,  General  Meigs,  in 
July,  1 86 1,  asked  Secretary  of  War  Simon  Cameron  to  appoint 
such  an  officer.  This  appointment,  delayed  until  October  of 
that  year,  fell  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  William  H.  Hoffman,  of 
the  Eighth  Infantry,  still  on  parole  from  General  David  E. 
Twiggs'  surrender  of  the  Texas  garrison.1  Hoffman  gathered 
around  him  a  small  group  of  hand-picked  men  through  whose 
efforts  a  system  of  prison  camps  was  gradually  worked  out. 

There  were  at  least  three  groups  of  men  who  came  under 
the  designation  of  prisoners  of  war.  First  there  were  the 
political  prisoners.  In  the  fall  of  186 1,  a  system  of  passports 
was  introduced  in  the  North,  and  in  July,    1862,   it  seemed 

*For  a  general  discussion  of  the  prison  situation  in  1861-62,  see  William 
Best  Hesseltine,  Civil  War  Prisons:  A  Study  in  War  Psychology  (Ohio 
State  University  Press,  Columbus,  1930),  pp.  34  f f •  5  for  Hoffman's  appoint- 
ment, see  also  The  War  of  the  Rebellion  :  A  Compilation  of  the  Official 
Records  of  the  Union  and  Confederate  Armies,  cited  hereafter  as  Official 
Records,  2  series   (8  volumes.    Washington,  D.  C,  1894-1899),  III,  48,  121. 



necessary  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Thousands  of 
persons  were  "arrested  on  suspicion,"  and  could  be  held  in  pri- 
son without  trial  for  an  indefinite  period.  All  of  our  genera- 
tion is  well  acquainted  with  war  hysteria.  Men  and  women 
were  arrested  on  the  most  absurd  charges,  some  because  they 
"looked^  funny,"  some  because  of  poor  eyesight,  some  because 
of  peculiarities  of  speech,  some  because  they  had  what  was 
supposed  to  be  "a  southern  accent."  There  were  thousands  of 
these  unfortunates,  victims  of  "a  little  brief  authority"  in  the 
wrong  hands.  These  people  as  a  rule  had  no  recourse,  and 
since  they  could  not  be  held  in  the  ordinary  prisons,  some 
place  had  to  be  found  where  they  could  be  retained  until  the 
hysteria  died. 

Second  came  the  officers  of  the  Confederate  Army — 
gentlemen  accustomed  to  the  life  of  gentlemen,  used  to  per- 
sonal attendance,  good  horses,  and  such  pleasures  as  the  times 
furnished.  Such  men  might  easily  endure  the  hardships  of 
military  life  in  the  field,  but  the  manifold  discomforts  of  a 
prison  camp,  together  with  a  constantly  growing  sense  of 
futility,  made  them  utterly  miserable  and  easy  prey  to  disease. 

The  third  and  much  the  largest  group  consisted  of  the 
noncommissioned  officers  and  men.  As  a  group  they  were 
without  the  mental  and  moral  resources  of  the  officers,  al- 
though physically  they  could  better  withstand  the  hardships  of 
prison  life.  Most  of  them  were  insufficiently  clothed  even  for 
summer,  and  there  was  never  an  overcoat  among  them.  The 
fact  that  many  of  them  did  not  have  shoes  meant  the  preva- 
lence of  hookworm  with  its  attendant  troubles.  Few  of  them 
were  uniformed.  Homemade  garments  dyed  with  the  brown- 
ish stain  of  the  walnut  were  so  generally  worn  that  the  nick- 
name "but'nuts"  was  almost  inevitable.2  These  men  suffered 
from  intestinal  troubles  due  to  a  lack  of  good  food,  and  they 
were  pediculous  to  a  miserable  degree.  This  condition  pre- 
vailed in  prison  camps  both  North  and  South,  and  was  one 
of  the  causes  of  the  high  mortality  rate.3 

Before  Hoffman's  appointment  as  commissary  general  of 

2[ Catharine  Merrill],  The  Soldier  of  Indiana  in  the  War  for  the  Union 
(2  volumes.    Indianapolis,  Merrill  and  Company,  1866,  1869),  I,  317-18. 
3Hans  Zinsser,  Rats,  Lice  and  History  (Boston,  1935) . 


prisoners  these  three  groups  of  prisoners  were  housed  together 
in  the  temporary  prison  camps — with  the  worst  possible  re- 
sults— but  in  February,  1862,  came  the  demand  for  prison 
space  on  a  large  scale,  and  the  necessity  of  segregating  dif- 
ferent types  of  prisoners  was  taken  into  consideration.  This 
was  the  first  truly  cheerful  month  for  the  North,  with  the 
capture  of  Fort  Henry  on  the  sixth  and  Fort  Donelson  on  the 
sixteenth.  General  Henry  W.  Halleck  sought  places  where 
prisoners  could  be  cared  for  without  withdrawing  men  from 
the  Union  forces  to  guard  them.  The  system  finally  developed 
under  Hoffman  provided  that  general  officers  be  sent  to  a 
small  island  in  Boston  Harbor  where  Fort  Warren  was  located 
(being  desperate  villains,  they  should  be  securely  imprisoned)  ; 
lesser  commissioned  officers  were  sent  to  Johnson's  Island  in 
the  harbor  of  Sandusky,  Ohio;  and  noncommissioned  officers 
and  privates  were  sent  to  eight  scattered  camps  including  Camp 
Douglas,  at  Chicago,  the  largest;  Camp  Chase  at  Columbus, 
Ohio;  Camp  Butler,  at  Springfield,  Illinois;  and  Camp  Morton, 
at  Indianapolis,  the  third  largest  of  the  group.4 

After  the  fall  of  Fort  Donelson,  Halleck  telegraphed 
Governor  Morton,  asking  him  how  many  prisoners  he  could 
provide  for.  On  February  17  the  Governor  replied,  "We  can 
take  3,000  if  necessary,"  but  3,700  came  to  be  quartered  at 
Camp  Morton.5 

No  one  had  known  exactly  what  to  do  with  the  few  pris- 
oners in  Indianapolis  before  this  date.  Sometimes,  if  they 
had  the  means,  they  were  allowed  to  live  at  a  hotel,  reporting 
to  headquarters  once  a  day.  Those  without  money  were  per- 
mitted to  get  jobs  in  the  town,  and  use  the  income  for  their 
support.  There  was  an  entire  lack  of  regulation  with  regard 
to  their  care;  persons  responsible  for  them  had  simply  done 
whatever  was  most  practicable  under  the  circumstances.     To 

'Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  269,  270-71,  274,  276,  277,  278,  281,  288, 
337;  Hesseltine,  Civil  War  Prisons,  p.  41.  For  pictures  of  the  various 
camps,  hospitals,  officials,  and  prisoners  of  note,  see  Holland  Thompson 
(ed.),  Prisons  and  Hospitals  {The  Photographic  History  of  The  Civil  War, 
Volume  Seven.    The  Review  of  Reviews  Co.,  New  York,  1911). 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  269  f  f. ;  Jacob  P.  Dunn,  Indiana  and  Indi- 
anans  ...  (5  volumes.  Chicago  and  New  York,  1919),  II,  613-14;  Indianapolis 
Sentinel,  March  15,  1862,  and  following  issues. 


provide  for  an  influx  of  3,700  men  was  a  problem  to  tax 
the  best  heads.  The  doctors  of  the  city  threw  themselves  into 
the  work,  and  the  citizens,  touched  by  the  miserable  appearance 
of  the  captives,  gave  clothes  and  bedding,  jelly  and  fresh  bread 
of  their  own  baking.6 

A  stupendous  load  of  charitable  work  was  undertaken  by 
the  Sanitary  Commission,  in  a  way  a  forerunner  of  the  Red 
Cross.  At  Camp  Morton  such  problems  were  also  taken  care 
of  by  the  ladies  of  the  town  who  had  been  organized  under 
the  leadership  of  Mrs.  Morton,  but  here  again  local  conditions 
interfered  with  good  results.  There  were  so  many  sympa- 
thizers with  the  Confederate  cause  in  Marion  County  that 
many  of  the  ladies  with  Union  sympathies  feared  that  work 
for  the  prisoners  would  put  them  under  suspicion. 

Mention  should  be  made  at  this  place  of  the  troubles  at 
some  of  the  other  camps,  since  they  throw  much  light  on  the 
happenings  at  Camp  Morton.  Fort  Warren  was  a  masonry 
structure  on  one  of  the  many  hundreds  of  small  islands — noth- 
ing more  than  great  heaps  of  gravel — in  Boston  Harbor,  de- 
pendent for  security  on  the  swift  currents  that  surrounded 
them  at  all  stages  of  the  tide.  No  one  ever  lived  through  the 
waters  of  Shirley  Gut,  surrounding  Deer  Island,  and  while 
Fort  Warren  stood  on  the  highest  point  on  Governor's  Island 
and,  therefore,  had  the  best  position  as  a  lookout,  it  was  also 
the  coldest  and  the  windiest  spot  in  the  harbor,  and  naturally 
the  most  difficult  to  heat.  The  fireplaces  and  an  occasional 
stove  formed  the  totally  inadequate  source  of  warmth,  with 
fuel  often  at  a  premium.  Confederate  generals  suffered  ex- 
tremely from  climatic  conditions,  since  they  were  not  ac- 
customed to  the  chill  of  a  stone  structure  during  a  nor'easter, 
with  the  mercury  at  twenty  below. 

Johnson's  Island  likewise  depended  on  its  situation  for  the 
security  of  the  prisoners.7    There  were  not,  of  course,  the  deep 

6Holliday,  "Civil  War  Times,"  in  Dunn,  Greater  Indianapolis,  I,  226. 

7For  Colonel  Hoffman's  report  to  General  Meigs  on  the  selection  of 
Johnson's  Island  and  his  recommendations  concerning  the  buildings  to  be 
erected,  see  Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  54-57.  See  also  ibid.,  Ill,  122-23, 
135-36,  326-27 ;  H.  Carpenter,  "Plain  Living  at  Johnson's  Island,"  in  Century 
Magazine,  XLI,  705-18  (March,  1891)  ;  Joe  Barbiere,  Scraps  from  the 
Prison  Table  at  Camp  Chase  and  Johnson's  Island  (Doylestown,  Pa.,  1868). 


water  and  the  strong  current  of  Boston  Harbor,  but  a  mile  of 
water  and  the  mud  flats  helped  a  good  deal.  The  Confederate 
officers  who  were  the  inmates  of  the  prison  were  worth  taking 
some  risk  to  rescue,  but  no  attempt  of  this  sort  was  ever  suc- 
cessfully carried  out.  Newspaper  scares  and  the  outpourings 
of  such  reckless  talkers  as  Clement)  Laird  Vallandigham  gave 
warning,  and  the  prison  on  Johnson's  Island  was  closely 
guarded  at  all  times.  It  probably  maintained  the  most  severe 
discipline  of  all  the  camps. 

Camp  Douglas  at  Chicago  had  the  worst  situation  of  all 
prisoners'  camps  in  the  North.8  It  was  on  low  ground,  badly 
drained,  and  had  no  protection  from  the  land  winds.  Conse- 
quently the  death  rate  among  the  prisoners,  who  arrived  poorly 
clothed  and  ill  fed,  was  very  great.  Due  to  the  strong  feeling 
in  the  city  against  the  prisoners,  relief  work  among  the  men 
was  relatively  less  than  elsewhere.  There  was  also  dishonesty 
among  the  civilian  employees,  and  trouble  arising  from  the 
type  of  men  placed  in  charge  of  the  camp.  The  feeling  of  help- 
lessness among  the  prisoners  in  the  face  of  legal  wrongs  that 
they  could  not  right,  their  poor  health  and  the  high  death 
rate,  the  bad  food  conditions  and  lack  of  hospitalization,  all 
combined  to  furnish  additional  proof,  if  any  were  needed,  of 
the  correctness  of  General  Sherman's  famous  observation  on 
the  nature  of  war. 

The  problem  of  converting  Camp  Morton  into  a  prisoners' 
camp  fell  to  Captain  James  A.  Ekin,  an  assistant  quartermaster 
general  of  the  United  States  Army  who  had  been  stationed  at 
Indianapolis  since  the  preceding  August.  Strict  economy  in 
all  changes  was  demanded  by  Colonel  Hoffman  and  General 
Meigs.  The  stock  stalls  along  the  north  fence,  which  had 
housed  Indiana  troops  during  the  preceding  summer  and 
autumn,  were  remodeled  to  provide  six  apartments  for  sleep- 
ing purposes  and  one  for  eating  purposes,  and  additional  bar- 
racks were  erected  of  lumber  that  had  been  used  for  temporary 
stables.9    There  was  no  time  to  have  the  work  done  before  the 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  106,  no,  in;  Reminiscences  of  Chicago 
During  the  Civil  War,  with  an  introduction  by  Mabel  Mcllvaine  (R.  R. 
Donnelley  &  Sons  Company,  Chicago,  1914),  161-94. 

"Terrell,  Report,  I,  446,  447,  456;  Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  278, 
301,  335-36. 


arrival  of  the  prisoners,  or  according  to  any  carefully  con- 
sidered plan. 

Colonel  Hoffman,  having  inspected  the  camp  after  the 
prisoners  came,  made  the  criticism  on  March  12,  1862,  that 
the  quarters  were  "dark  and  close  and  there  must  be  much 
sickness  .  .  .  unless  some  improvements  are  made."10  Shortly 
after,  prisoners  were  transferred  from  one  barracks  at  a  time 
into  tents,  so  that  windows  could  be  put  in  the  dark  buildings 
to  give  more  light  and  air  during  the  warm  weather.  In  June 
new  barracks  were  erected  to  relieve  the  overcrowded  condi- 

Around  the  camp  ran  a  wall  constructed  like  a  palisade.  It 
was  made  of  two-inch  oak  planks,  with  an  outside  walk  for  the 
sentries  placed  about  four  feet  below  the  top  of  the  wall.  This 
arrangement  allowed  plenty  of  space  for  the  sentry  to  fire  if 
necessary.12  The  gates,  of  course,  had  to  be  reconstructed  and 
so  extended  inside  and  out  that  "rushes"  would  be  impossible. 
The  most  serious  problem  in  camp  engineering  was  the  posi- 
tion of  the  camp  latrines.  It  was  necessary  to  place  them  at 
the  lower  edge  of  the  camp,  and  below  the  level  of  the  springs 
from  which  the  camp  got  its  drinking  water.  Because  of  the 
great  number  of  men  confined  to  the  small  area  and  because 
the  soil  did  not  drain  well,  it  proved  to  be  impossible  to  keep 
the  ground  dry. 

No  one  had  known  just  when  the  first  prisoners  would 
arrive  at  Camp  Morton.  After  their  capture  the  men  were 
herded  on  river  steamers  and  taken  to  St.  Louis,  where  they 
were  kept  a  few  days  under  very  bad  conditions.  They  were 
then  loaded  on  railroad  cars  of  any  kind  that  was  available. 
Old  passenger  coaches,  freight  cars,  and  even  flat  cars  were 
used,  all  under  guard,  of  course.  Lack  of  seats  and  any  accom- 
modations whatsoever  brought  the  men  to  Indianapolis  in 
pretty  bad  shape.13 

The  citizens  of  Indianapolis  were  full  of  forebodings  at  the 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  375. 
"Ibid.,  Ill,  400-1,  620-21. 

"Indianapolis  News,  February  24,  1897,  p.  6,  c.  2. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  February  22,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Confederate  Veteran, 
V,  33  (January,  1897). 


advent  of  a  large  number  of  prisoners.  Everyone  was  nervous 
and  fidgety,  but  very  full  of  curiosity.  The  day  before  the 
prisoners  came  the  excitement  was  so  great  that  a  crowd  of 
three  thousand  or  more  persons  gathered  near  the  station  to 
see  the  men  brought  in.  No  prisoners  appeared,14  but  at  last 
it  was  reported  that  an  officer  with  his  command  had  been 
ordered  to  meet  the  train  the  next  day,  February  22.15  Then 
people  knew  something  was  happening. 

A  large  crowd  gathered  early  in  the  morning  and  waited 
until  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  cheerfully  going  without 
dinner  in  the  excitement.  The  first  unit  to  arrive  consisted 
of  a  mixed  train  of  passenger  and  box  cars,  twenty-two  in 
all,  which,  to  the  disappointment  of  the  crowd,  did  not  stop  at 
the  Union  Station  at  all,  but  continued  on  over  the  tracks  of 
the  Union  Railway  Company  to  Massachusetts  Avenue,  where 
the  men  were  detrained  and  marched  over  country  roads  to 
Camp  Morton.16 

As  the  train  passed  through  the  station,  some  of  the 
waiting  people,  regardless  of  the  orders  of  the  guard, 
climbed  to  the  roofs  of  the  cars,  riding  on  to  the  avenue  with 
the  prisoners.  Women  and  children  stood  along  the  tracks 
nearly  the  whole  distance,  waving  and  shouting,  while  small 
boys  trotted  beside  the  train.  One  young  man,  carried  away 
by  his  eagerness  to  see  everything  that  was  to  be  seen,  fell 
in  at  the  end  of  the  line  of  prisoners  and  marched  with  them 
into  the  main  gate  of  Camp  Morton.  Curiosity  had  got  the 
better  of  his  judgment.  Unable  to  prove  that  he  was  a  citizen 
of  Indianapolis,  he  was  held  over  night  and  forced  to  bunk 
with  a  "secesh"  who  probably  felt  equally  outraged.  The 
second  group  of  prisoners  was  unloaded  on  a  side  track  which 
lay  across  South  Street  about  where  the  Pennsylvania  freight 
station  now  stands  and  marched  to  the  camp  from  there. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  this  entry  furnished  the  townspeople 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  21,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

"Lazarus  Noble,  Adjutant  General's  Office,  Letter  and  Order  Book 
No.  1,  November  23,  1861-January,  1863  (Archives  Division,  Indiana  State 
Library),  p.  117. 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  24,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  2;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1,  2. 


with  a  Roman  holiday.  However,  the  prisoners  entered  freely 
into  conversation  with  the  bystanders  and  goodnaturedlv 
answered  questions.  The  Journal  had  suggested  two  days  be- 
fore that  the  citizens  show  a  kindly  spirit  toward  the  prisoners 
and  refrain  from  insults  to  men  who  were  powerless  to  resent 

The  second  train  on  Saturday  brought  in  about  four 
hundred  prisoners ;  other  groups  came  in  on  Sunday,  Monday, 
and  Tuesday,  bringing  the  total  number  to  3,700.  Some  of  the 
last  to  arrive  were  forced  to  spend  the  night  in  the  Indianapolis 
and  Cincinnati  freight  house.  In  the  morning  those  at  the 
station,  325  in  all,  were  marched  to  Camp  Morton;  those  re- 
maining, about  eight  hundred,  were  sent  on  to  Lafayette. 
About  eight  hundred  more  stopped  at  Terre  Haute,  but  all  of 
these,  except  a  few  who  were  too  ill  to  be  moved,  were  brought 
to  Camp  Morton  by  the  middle  of  March.  By  April  1,  there 
were  five  thousand  men  around  the  camp,  counting  both  the 
guards  and  the  prisoners.  Squads  continued  to  arrive  during 
the  spring  and  summer,  often  without  any  warning,  the  largest 
installment,  over  one  thousand  men,  coming  in  after  the  battle 
of  Shiloh.18 

In  the  first  groups  of  prisoners  officers  and  men  were 
commingled.  Experience  had  already  taught  that  it  was 
dangerous  to  allow  them  to  remain  together,  for  the  officers  as 
a  rule  were  prone  to  encourage  their  men  to  break  out  of  camp 
and  return  South,  doing  what  damage  they  could  on  the  way. 
With  their  firm  belief  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  their  cause, 
they  were  bound  to  try  any  plan  for  getting  back  under  their 
own  flag.  In  view  of  this  fact,  the  officers  were  separated 
from  their  men  and  quartered  in  barracks  on  Washington 
Street  east  of  the  Odd  Fellows  Hall,  which  had  been  occupied 
earlier  by  the  Nineteenth  Infantry. 

Most  of  them  had  lost  both  clothing  and  blankets  in  the 
confusion  of  their  surrender.     Because  of  their  confinement 

17February  20,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  1,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

18Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  24,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  2 ;  February  25,  p.  3,  c. 
2;  Indianapolis  Journal,  February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1-2;  March  10,  p.  3,  c.  2  : 
Terrell,  Report,  I,  457;  Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1, 
p.  171. 


food  was  prepared  for  the  officers  and  they  were  permitted  the 
privilege  of  buying  supplementary  provisions  at  their  own 
expense.  General  Simon  B.  Buckner  and  his  staff  were 
quartered  in  the  government  building  on  Pennsylvania  Street 
and  their  meals  were  brought  from  the  Palmer  House.  How- 
ever, the  Sentinel  of  February  27,  1862,  assured  the  public 
that  such  meals  were  paid  for  by  the  General  out  of  his 
own  pocket.19 

One  of  the  Turnvereins,  every  man  of  which  had  enlisted, 
rented  its  hall  to  house  officers.  This  building  stood  near  the 
northeast  corner  of  the  intersection  of  Meridian  and  Maryland 
streets.  When  officers  to  the  number  of  1 10  had  accumulated, 
they  were  sent  to  Camp  Chase  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  where  they 
were  kept  until  officers'  quarters  were  prepared  at  Johnson's 
Island  in  Sandusky  Harbor.  General  Buckner  was  transferred 
to  Fort  Warren.20 

Many  of  the  officers  had  with  them  colored  servants, 
whose  status  was  in  doubt.  They  were  not  combatants,  and 
they  were  hardly  to  be  considered  as  camp  followers.  Halleck 
told  Morton  to  let  them  go,  if  they  wished  to.  If  they  chose 
to  stay,  they  must  be  under  military  control.21  Their  own 
sentiments  were  summed  up  neatly  in  the  announcement  that 
"dey  wasn't  going  to  leave  de  boys  dey  came  with,  no  how."22 
Some  negroes  remained  at  Camp  Morton,  and  were  in  con- 
siderable demand  as  orderlies  in  the  hospitals. 

19Indianapolis  Journal,  February  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1,  2;  February  27,  p.  3, 
c.  1  ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  February  27,  p.  3, 
c.  2.  Some  citizens  suggested  Buckner  should  be  kept  in  solitary  confinement. 
Letters  of  February  26,  1862,  to  Morton,  Executive  Department  file,  109.9, 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  320,  333 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
February  28,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

^Oliver  P.  Morton,  Telegraphic  Correspondence,  February  5-June  10, 
1862,  pp.  56,  57,  64,  65,  66,  67   (Archives  Division,  Indiana  State  Library). 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2.  An  editorial  in  the 
Indianapolis  Journal,  March  29,  1862,  commented  bitterly  because  negroes 
who  had  been  captured  at  Fort  Donelson  and  sent  to  Camp  Chase  were  still 
serving  their  masters  as  slaves.  A  report  from  the  Assistant  Inspector  General 
of  the  Army  to  General  Thomas  on  April  6,  1862,  stated,  however,  that  they 
were  considered  as  prisoners  of  war,  receiving  exactly  the  same  treatment  as 
other  prisoners.     Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  428. 


Surgeons  and  chaplains  were  allowed  the  freedom  of  the  city 
on  parole,  being  required  to  report  daily  at  headquarters.  It 
was  at  first  supposed  that  captured  physicians  would  exercise 
their  vocation  with  their  fellow  prisoners.  Some  of  these  were 
sent  to  Camp  Chase  where  they  were  badly  needed,  but  after 
June,  1862,  all  were  released  in  accordance  with  a  general 
ruling  that  surgeons  were  not  to  be  held  as  prisoners  of  war.23 

The  privates  and  noncommissioned  officers  were  mostly 
small  farmers  or  squatters  from  Mississippi,  Kentucky,  and 
Tennessee.  They  presented  a  shabby  and  forlorn  appearance. 
Almost  a  year  after  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter  it  was  still  rare 
to  find  any  kind  of  a  uniform  among  the  prisoners.  Oc- 
casionally a  man  would  have  an  army  blanket,  either  bought 
from  England  or  plundered  from  a  former  United  States  post 
in  the  South.  More  common  than  the  gray  blanket  was  a 
square  piece  of  carpet  flung  over  the  shoulders.  Most  of  the 
men  had  a  bundle  of  odds  and  ends,  sometimes  a  bag  of  cof- 
fee or  a  slab  of  bacon.  Few  had  any  extra  clothing,  and  an 
overcoat  was  unheard  of.24  Immediately  numbers  of  them 
fell  sick,  and  since  the  camp  had  no  hospital  facilities  adequate 
to  provide  for  them,  they  were  taken  to  improvised  hospitals  in 
the  city  where  overworked  physicians  gave  them  what  help  they 
could  under  the  handicaps  of  poor  quarters  and  limited  equip- 
ment. The  hospitals  are  described  at  greater  length  in  Chap- 
ter IV. 

The  dispirited,  over- fatigued  men  who  poured  into  Camp 
Morton  on  February  22  and  the  succeeding  days  were  nearly 
famished.  Supplies  for  prisoners'  camps — quarters,  clothing, 
and  rations — were  normally  furnished  through  the  regular 
Army,  but  in  this  emergency  there  was  no  officer  from  the 
Federal  Commissary  Department  at  hand  to  provide  for  the 
prisoners.  Commissary  General  Stone,  of  Governor  Morton's 
staff,  met  the  situation  characteristically  by  ordering  about 
four  thousand  rations  at  twenty-five  cents  each  for  prisoners 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Noble,  A.  G.  O., 
Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  p.  209;  Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  45; 
Oliver  P.  Morton,  Governor's  Office,  Letter  Book,  January  1,  1862  to 
January  17,  1863  (Archives  Division,  Indiana  State  Library),  pp.  7-8. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Soldier  of  Indiana, 
I,  3I7-I8. 


and  guards,  and  securing  the  authorization  later.25  Blankets 
were  also  issued.26 

The  citizens  offered  emergency  aid  too,  the  Sentinel  report- 
ing on  February  25  that  throughout  the  day  wagons  had  been 
progressing  toward  the  camp  in  long  trains,  "loaded  with  the 
necessaries  and  comforts  and  even  the  luxuries  of  life."  A 
sterner  attitude  was  maintained  by  Adjutant  General  Lazarus 
Noble,  who  wrote  to  an  inquirer  on  February  24:  "Every 
attention  will  be  paid  to  the  Prisoners  that  their  necessities  and 
well-being  demand; — anything  further  will  not  be  allowed. 
They  and  their  friends  must  reflect  that  they  are  Rebel 
Prisoners  and  as  such  cannot  be  allowed  the  luxuries  and 
comforts  incident  to  a  peaceful  home."27 

In  the  meantime,  Captain  Ekin  was  telegraphing  to  his 
superiors  for  instructions  about  supplies  for  the  prisoners. 
Like  Stone,  he  had  been  driven  by  their  necessities  to  act  first 
and  hope  that  official  approval  would  follow.  General  Meigs 
wired  to  Colonel  Hoffman  on  February  24 :  "Visit  Chicago, 
Indianapolis  and  other  places  to  which  the  prisoners  taken  in 
Tennessee  have  been  sent.  Report  what  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  prevent  their  suffering.  Quartermasters  are  in  charge.  Be- 
sides the  rations  allowed  by  regulations  without  regard  to  rank 
the  United  States  will  supply  such  blankets,  cooking  utensils 
and  clothing  as  are  necessary  to  prevent  real  suffering.  Much 
clothing  not  good  enough  for  troops  has  by  fraud  of  inspectors 
and  dealers  been  forced  into  our  depots.  This  will  be 
used.  ..."  Ekin  received  substantially  the  same  orders 
the  next  day.28 

Guards  for  the  camp  had  to  be  provided  on  short  notice, 
also.  As  soon  as  Governor  Morton  knew  that  several  thousand 
prisoners  would  have  to  be  taken  care  of,  he  summoned  several 
partially  filled  regiments  that  were  being  recruited  in  different 
parts  of  the  state.    The  Fourteenth  Battery  of  Light  Artillery, 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  333.  The  regular  cost  of  the  ration 
was  less  than  half  this  amount.  Indianapolis  Journal,  February  25,  1862, 
P-  3,  c.  3. 

^Ibid.,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Ekin  to  Morton,  February  24,  1862,  Executive  Depart- 
ment file,  109.9,  1861. 

^Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  143-44- 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  278,  316-17,  322. 


under  Captain  Meredith  H.  Kidd,  the  Fifty-third  Regiment 
of  Indiana  Volunteers,  under  Colonel  Walter  Q.  Gresham.  and 
the  Sixtieth  under  Colonel  Richard  Owen  all  reached  Indian- 
apolis within  a  few  days.  Colonel  Ben  S.  Nicklin,  who  had 
been  commandant  at  Camp  Morton  for  some  months,  remained 
in  charge  until  these  hastily  summoned  troops  arrived,  when 
Colonel  Owen  took  command.29 

Owen's  appointment  as  commandant  proved  most  fortu- 
nate. He  was  an  experienced  soldier.  Combining  strength 
and  gentleness,  he  was  a  good  disciplinarian  and  at  the  same 
time  tempered  his  rulings  with  sympathy.  From  February 
until  the  middle  of  June,  the  difficult  experimental  months 
during  which  a  workable  camp  routine  had  to  be  established, 
he  handled  the  situation  skillfully.  His  whole  aim  was  to 
treat  the  prisoners  in  a  way  "calculated  to  make  them  less 
restless  in  their  confinement,  and  likely,  when  they  returned 
to  their  homes,  to  spread  among  their  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances the  news  that  they  had  been  deceived  regarding  north- 
ern men."30 

At  this  period  no  general  rules  for  the  supervision  of 
prisoners  had  been  laid  down.  While  Colonel  Hoffman 
pleaded  that  such  matters  be  delegated  exclusively  to  his  de- 
partment, the  generals  in  the  field  continued  to  exercise  a  good 
deal  of  authority  over  the  movements  of  prisoners,  and  each 
camp  commandant  set  up  his  own  disciplinary  measures.  A 
few  very  general  instructions  regarding  prisoners  held  in 
Indiana  were  issued  by  Adjutant  General  Noble  under  order 
of  Governor  Morton  on  February  24.31     Prisoners  were  to  be 

^Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  114,  118,  130;  In- 
dianapolis Journal,  February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1-2;  February  28,  p.  3,  c.  1; 
Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2.  Gresham's  regiment, 
with  which  the  Sixty-second  was  consolidated,  was  ordered  to  join  Halleck 
on  March  14,  and  Kidd's  Battery  followed  on  April  10.  Noble,  op.  cit.,  pp. 
169,  170,  190,  194,  197.  A  battalion  of  the  Sixty-third  Regiment,  under 
Lieutenant  Colonel  John  S.  Williams,  and  some  companies  from  the  Sixty- 
first  Regiment,  under  Colonel  Bernard  F.  Mullen,  which  had  been  guarding 
prisoners  at  Lafayette  and  Terre  Haute  respectively,  took  their  places  as 
guards  at  Camp  Morton,  remaining  until  late  in  May,  1862.  Terrell,  Report, 
II,  587,  595. 

30Indianapolis  Journal,  April  17,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  1  ;  April  21,  p.  2,  c.  1-2. 

31Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  p.  131. 



thrown  into  their  original  company  organizations,  each  com- 
pany in  charge  of  its  highest  noncommissioned  officer,  and 
were  to  be  subsisted  in  that  order,  receiving  the  same  rations, 
clothing,  and  equipment  as  Indiana  troops.  No  communica- 
tion with  citizens  was  to  be  allowed.  Finally,  company  rolls 
were  to  be  prepared.  Beyond  this,  Owen  had  to  formulate  his 
own  rules.  He  drew  up  a  humane  and  sensible  code,  much  of 
which  was  later  incorporated  into  Hoffman's  instructions  to 
all  commandants  of  prisoners'  camps.32 

''Rules  for  Camp  Morton. 

"i.  The  entire  camp  prisoners  will  be  divided  into  thirty 
divisions,  each  under  charge  of  a  chief  selected  by  the  com- 
panies composing  the  division  from  among  the  first  sergeants 
of  companies.  At  the  bugle  call  for  first  sergeants  they  will 
report  themselves  at  headquarters. 

"2.  These  chiefs  of  divisions  will  draw  up  the  provision 
returns  for  their  divisions,  care  for  and  be  responsible  for  the 
general  appearance,  police  and  welfare  of  their  divisions.  The 
first  fifteen  will  constitute  a  board  of  appeal  for  the  hearing 
of  grievances,  settlement  and  punishment  of  misdemeanors, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  commander  of  the  post  in  their 
fifteen  divisions.  The  other  fifteen  will  form  a  like  court  for 
the  remaining  fifteen  divisions. 

"3.  Among  the  crimes  and  misdemeanors  against  which 
first  sergeants  are  expected  to  guard  and  which  they  will 
punish  on  detection  are  counterfeiting  the  commandant's, 
doctor's,  adjutant's  or  chaplain's  hands  for  requisitions,  making 
improper  use  of  premises,  refusing  to  take  a  reasonable  share 
in  the  details  according  to  the  roster,  selling  to  the  sutler  any 
articles  issued  to  them  as  clothing,  appropriating  things  belong- 
ing to  others  or  insulting  sentinels. 

"4.  The  prisoners'  returns  will  be  handed  in  for  approval 
at  10  a.  m.  each  alternate  day  previous  to  the  one  on  which  the 
issue  is  made.  The  issues  of  tobacco  and  stationery  will  be 
made  on  Wednesdays  and  Saturdays  at  2  p.  m.  by  the  chaplains, 
as  well  as  the  distribution  of  reading  matter.     Letters  will  be 

'i2Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  518-19. 


given  out  between  2  and  3  p.  m.  and  mailed  between 
3  and  4  p.  m. 

"5.  Daily  inspections  will  be  made  by  the  commandant  or 
officer  of  the  day  to  see  that  the  policing  so  essential  to  health 
has  been  thoroughly  performed,  and  facilities  will  be  afforded 
for  sports  and  athletic  exercise  also  conducive  to  health,  as 
well  as  bathing  by  companies,  if  permission  can  be  obtained 
from  the  proper  authority. 

"6.  The  first  sergeants  of  companies  will  look  after  the 
general  wants  of  their  companies  and  maintain  the  necessary 
order,  discipline  and  police  essential  to  health  and  comfort, 
and  will  make  requisitions,  first  on  chiefs  of  divisions,  and 
they  afterwards  at  headquarters,  for  clothing,  camp  and  gar- 
rison equipage  absolutely  necessary;  also  for  tobacco  wanted, 
and  the  like. 

"7.  The  inside  chain  of  soldiers,  except  a  small  patrol  with 
side-arms,  will  be  removed,  and  the  quiet  and  good  order  of 
the  camp  as  well  as  the  policing  for  health  and  comfort,  the 
construction  of  new  sinks  when  necessary  and  the  daily  throw- 
ing in  of  lime  and  mold  to  prevent  bad  odors  will  be  entirely 
under  the  supervision  of  the  sergeants  of  prisoners. 

"8.  Vessels  for  the  washing  of  clothing  and  ropes  for 
clothes  lines  will  be  furnished,  and  no  bed  or  other  clothing 
will  be  put  on  roof  tops  or  on,  fences. 

"9.  Prisoners  will  carefully  avoid  interrupting  sentinels 
in  the  discharge  of  their  duty,  and  especially  will  not  curse 
them,  use  abusive  language  or  climb  onto  fences  or  trees,  as 
the  sentinels  are  ordered  to  fire  if  such  an  offense  occurs  after 
three  positive  and  distinct  orders  to  desist,  even  in  day  time. 
At  night  only  one  warning  will  be  given  to  any  one  climbing 
on  the  fence  tops. 

"10.  A  prisoners'  fund  will  be  created  by  the  deduction  as 
heretofore  of  small  amounts  from  the  rations  of  beef,  bread, 
beans,  &c,  a  schedule  of  which  will  be  placed  at  the  commis- 
sary department.  This  fund  will  be  used  for  the  purchase  of 
tobacco,  stationery,  stamps  and  such  other  articles  as  the  chiefs 
of  divisions  may  report,  and  which  should  be  drawn  on  requisi- 
tions handed  in  by  first  sergeants  between  9  and  10  a.  m. 
each  dav. 


"il.  Every  endeavor  will  be  made  by  the  commandant  to 
give  each  and  every  prisoner  as  much  liberty  and  comfort  as  is 
consistent  with  orders  received  and  with  an  equal  distribution 
of  the  means  at  disposal,  provided  such  indulgence  never  leads 
to  any  abuse  of  the  privileges." 

These  rules  established  virtual  self-government  among  the 
prisoners.  They  worked  well,  with  occasional  exceptions  that 
necessitated  modifications  and  curtailments  of  privileges. 
Sometimes  the  townspeople  were  inclined  to  criticize  their  lati- 
tude, but  they  earned  for  Owen  the  undying  gratitude  of 
many  prisoners. 

Company  rolls  remained  a  problem  throughout  the  war.  If 
no  muster  roll  came  with  the  prisoners,  new  ones  had  to  be 
made  immediately.  They  were  called  every  morning.33  Some 
of  them  were  written  on  sheets  of  legal  cap,  pasted  together  in 
long  strips,  and  ruled  off  by  hand  into  columns  for  name, 
company,  enlistment,  time  and  place  of  joining,  capture,  trans- 
fer, or  death.  The  beginning  of  the  roll  might  be  handsomely 
engrossed,  but  the  handwriting  was  often  illegible.  Prisoners 
who  had  crimes  on  their  consciences  and  preferred  not  to  be 
traced  sometimes  gave  false  names.  A  spirit  of  mischief  in- 
duced others  to  offer  ridiculous  names,  which  got  them  into 
trouble  when  exchange  rolls  were  prepared.  The  chief  diffi- 
culty, of  course,  was  due  to  transfers  to  hospitals  and  to  deaths 
among  the  prisoners. 

Besides  keeping  the  rolls  for  the  camps  the  commandants 
were  requested  toward  the  end  of  April,  1862,  to  send  a  com- 
plete list  to  the  Commissary  General  of  Prisoners  and  monthly 
reports  thereafter.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  rolls  were 
checked  each  morning,  and  that  requisitions  for  rations  were 
also  supposed  to  be  checked  against  them,  Owen  reported  that 

33The  Indianapolis  Sentinel  of  February  28,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  3,  announced 
that  rolls  of  all  the  prisoners  had  been  made  out  and  were  in  Owen's  hands. 
The  morning  roll  call  was  handled  as  follows.  Owen  called  the  roll  for  one 
of  the  thirty  divisions  of  prisoners ;  the  chaplain,  the  ten  first  lieutenants 
and  the  ten  second  lieutenants  of  his  regiment  each  called  one  roll,  taking 
care  of  twenty-two  divisions  ;  the  rolls  for  the  remaining  divisions  were  called 
by  officers  from  assisting  guard  regiments.  Owen  to  Morton,  April  20,  1862, 
Sixtieth  Regiment  Indiana  Volunteers  file,  folder  C,  Archives  Division, 
Indiana  State  Library. 


he  had  found  enough  discrepancies  to  necessitate  a  thorough 
revision.34  No  one  ever  did  manage  to  have  the  rolls  complete 
and  exact. 

During  the  first  rather  disorganized  months  the  noncom- 
missioned Confederate  officers  in  charge  of  companies  were 
almost  as  busy  as  the  commandant.  Besides  requisitioning  the 
proper  amount  of  rations,  they  had  to  divide  them  out  fairly 
among  the  men.  The  slightest  partiality  provoked  a  storm  of 
no  mean  proportions.  There  was  inevitably  one,  or  more,  in  each 
group  who  stole  from  his  comrades.  Cooks  had  to  stand  guard 
over  provisions,  and  honest  and  hungry  men  formed  the  habit 
of  eating  the  whole  day's  ration  as  soon  as  it  was  received,  or 
of  carrying  it  in  their  haversacks  for  safekeeping.35  Anyone 
caught  at  petty  thieving  or  similar  misdemeanors  was  punished 
by  the  prisoners  themselves. 

Criticism  about  rations  had  been  bad  enough  when  Indi- 
ana recruits  were  trained  at  Camp  Morton.  Now  they  were 
much  worse.  For  example,  the  Southerners  were  accustomed 
to  lean  bacon,  and  they  complained  at  being  supplied  with  bacon 
that  was  fat,  or  at  best  had  a  streak  of  fat  and  a  streak  of 
lean.  They  declared  that  the  beef  was  all  bone  and  the  bread 
all  sour.  For  the  time  being,  baker's  bread  of  good  quality 
was  served,  for  it  was  the  cheapest  way  to  provide  bread  for 
the  prisoners,  but  these  southern  boys  wanted  "good  cawn 
pone,  with  drippin's."  The  Sentinel  suggested  that  the  com- 
missary department  buy  meal  in  the  open  market  and  furnish 

SiOfficial  Records,  2  series,  III,  502,  515;  IV,  152;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2.  The  Sentinel  of  March  17  (p.  1,  c.  2-6),  lists 
the  prisoners  confined  at  Camp  Morton,  giving  a  total  of  3,233.  The  issue 
of  March  18  (p.  3,  c.  1)  lists  278  prisoners  at  Terre  Haute  who  were  still  to 
be  transferred  to  Camp  Morton. 

35 [S.  A.  Cunningham],  Memorials:  Col.  Richard  Owen,  the  Good  Sa- 
maritan of  Camp  Morton  .  .  .  (Nashville,  Tenn.,  n.  d.),  p.  4.  Quarrels  over 
the  division  of  rations  sometimes  resulted  in  the  death  of  a  prisoner.  On  one 
occasion  a  sergeant  in  charge  of  a  division  of  prisoners  was  accused  of 
dividing  rations  unfairly.  The  sergeant  punched  his  accuser  with  a  stick  of 
firewood,  whereupon  the  enraged  man  seized  a  club  and  knocked  the  sergeant 
down,  clubbing  him  so  that  he  died  in  about  six  hours.  Indianapolis  Journal, 
May  19,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1;  May  21,  p.  3,  c.  2;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  May  19, 
1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  May  22,  p.  3,  c.  2.  See  also  Confederate  Veteran,  XVI,  xxxvi 
(December,  1908). 


it  to  the  men,  but  it  was  impossible  to  allow  each  boy  to  cook 
his  pone  "the  way  it  orter  be."36 

After  Colonel  Hoffman  visited  the  camp  early  in  March, 
he  proposed  the  erection  of  a  camp  bakehouse,  a  practical 
suggestion  that  effected  a  large  saving  to  the  Government. 
The  great  cost  of  prisoners'  camps  was  a  serious  problem.  The 
sums  involved  seem  small  to  us,  but  the  citizen  of  1862  was 
more  appalled  by  a  national  debt  of  one  billion  dollars  than  we 
are  by  forty  billion.  The  contractor  for  the  camp  was  obliged 
to  buy  a  full  army  ration  for  every  prisoner.  A  pound  of  flour 
thus  supplied  would  make  almost  a  pound  and  a  third  of  good 
bread,  and  with  the  baking  done  in  a  camp  bakehouse,  the  profit 
would  go  to  the  camp  and  not  to  the  baker. 

Hoffman's  suggestion  was  approved  and  he  immediately 
wrote  to  Captain  Ekin  for  estimates  on  the  cost  of  a  bakehouse 
large  enough  to  bake  for  five  thousand  men.  It  was  to  con- 
sist of  a  single  large  room  with  a  floor,  a  shingle  roof,  and 
walls  of  upright  boarding  battened.  Later  in  the  month  he 
directed  that  the  commissary  at  the  camp  withhold  any  part 
of  the  prisoners'  rations  which  might  be  in  excess  of  their 
needs,  and  semimonthly  pay  to  Colonel  Owen  the  value  of  the 
ration  so  retained.  The  fund  thus  accumulated  was  to  be  used 
to  purchase  "brooms,  buckets,  table  furniture"  and  other 
articles  for  the  prisoners,  which  would  otherwise  be  an  addi- 
tional expense  to  the  Government.  The  bakehouse  went  into 
operation  about  the  middle  of  April,  and  Ekin  later  reported 
that  the  ovens  were  working  well  and  that  a  fund  of  $2,400 
had  been  accumulated  by  May  i.37 

Out  of  the  fund  were  bought  "tobacco,  stationery,  stamps, 
wheel  barrows  and  tools  for  policing,  scissors  for  cutting  the 
hair,  plank  and  nails  for  making  bunks,  lines  for  airing  clothes, 

36Indianapolis  Journal,  March  11,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
February  28,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1.  The  newspapers  were  not  above  poking  fun 
at  this  passionate  attachment  to  corn  pone.  The  Sentinel  of  March  8  (p.  2, 
c.  4),  quoted  the  suggestion  of  the  Lafayette  Journal  that  there  was  an 
"inscrutable  reason  for  compelling  these  maize-loving  rebels  to  eat  Northern 
wheat  bread,"  and  that  "with  every  mouthful  ...  the  hungry  rebel  swallows 
and  incorporates  in  his  treasonable  system  so  much  loyalty  and  patriotism." 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  349,  375,  386-87,  401,  432,  562;  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  March  22,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Terrell,  Report,  I,  449. 


leather  for  mending  shoes,  thread  for  repairs,  &c. ;  also  addi- 
tional vegetables,  such  as  potatoes  and  onions,  and  some  extra 
supplies  of  molasses."38 

Hoffman  had  delegated  control  of  the  fund  to  Owen,  with 
instructions  that  strict  account  of  expenditures  be  kept,  with 
the  bills.  Owen  was  doubtless  too  occupied  with  other  business 
of  the  camp  to  handle  it  himself,  for  Ekin  wrote  to  Hoffman 
on  May  21  that  a  council  of  administration  had  been  instituted 
at  Camp  Morton,  and  had  taken  charge  of  the  disbursements. 
Ekin  was  excluded  from  this  council.  He  was  dissatisfied 
with  the  arrangement,  and  asked  that  control  of  the  fund  be 
placed  in  his  hands,  on  the  ground  that  various  expenditures 
which  should  be  paid  from  it  would  not  be  made  unless  under 
his  direction.  He  promised  he  would  always  confer  with 
Owen  and  the  post  quartermaster,  Lieutenant  J.  J.  Palmer.39 
It  is  likely  that  Hoffman  and  Ekin  expected  to  take  care  of 
more  ambitious  expenditures  than  those  heretofore  made  from 
the  fund,  and  as  Ekin's  suggestion  was  later  carried  out,  the 
rapidly  increasing  sums  were  used  to  supplement  the  hospital 
fund,  for  the  erection  of  additional  buildings,  payment  of 
civilian  employees,  and  the  like. 

To  return  to  the  chiefs  of  divisions :  having  served  out 
the  food  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  the  sergeant  in  charge  was 
obliged  to  see  that  the  clean  straw  supplied  for  the  bunks  was 
equally  apportioned.  If  left  unguarded  it  had  a  way  of  dis- 
appearing. Quantities  of  straw  about  the  camp  presented  a 
fire  hazard  that  demanded  unceasing  vigilance;  smoking  was 
restricted,  for  in  a  high  wind  a  fire  would  have  produced  a 
major  tragedy.  Company  chiefs  also  had  to  detail  men  to 
police  the  camp,  and  to  act  as  hospital  orderlies  and  as  grave 

Reports  about  needed  clothing  also  went  through  the 
sergeant's  hands.  Prisoners  were  allowed  to  receive  supplies 
from  home,  but  the  garments  sent  were  sometimes  impractical. 
The  girl  who  sent  her  imprisoned  boy  friend  a  pair  of  em- 
broidered slippers,   for  example,   was   not  likely  to  keep  his 

380wen   to    Editor,    Indianapolis   Journal,   April    18,    1862,    in    Official 
Records,  2  series,  III,  516.    See  also  Owen's  Rule  10,  ante,  p.  264. 
'^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  562-63. 


devotion.  A  pair  of  thick  warm  socks  and  a  sweater  would 
have  been  welcome  enough,  but  good  saxony  yarn  was  an 
unknown  quantity  in  the  blockaded  South,  and  such  gifts  were 
out  of  the  question.40 

The  intention  of  the  Federal  Government  to  issue  clothing 
and  blankets  when  needed  is  clear,  but  in  practice  these  good 
intentions  were  only  partially  fulfilled.  Prisoners  received 
clothing  which  had  been  furnished  to  the  United  States  by 
contractors  and  condemned  by  government  inspectors.  It 
sometimes  happened  that  the  condemned  articles  were  not  those 
most  needed  in  the  prison  camps,  or  that  shipments  were  de- 
layed— transportation  constituted  a  big  expense  and  shipments 
to  troops  in  the  field  were  given  preference.41 

At  Camp  Morton,  though  blankets  were  issued  to  the 
prisoners  who  had  none,42  a  sudden  drop  in  temperature  caused 
extreme  suffering  among  men  unaccustomed  to  a  northern 
climate.  The  Ladies  Patriotic  Societies  and  the  Sanitary 
Commission  responded  generously  to  calls  for  assistance, 
and  during  1862  the  prisoners  made  few  complaints  of 
poor  treatment. 

Would-be  visitors  made  their  appearance  before  the 
prisoners  were  fairly  settled.  Governor  Morton  ruled  im- 
mediately that  there  was  to  be  no  communication  between  citi- 
zens or  guards  and  camp  inmates,  and  Owen  enforced  the  rule. 
A  notice  of  the  regulation  was  sent  to  the  Louisville  Journal 
on  February  26 ;  nevertheless  many  Kentuckians  made  the  long 
hard  trip  to  Indianapolis  in  the  hope  of  seeing  their  relatives 
or  friends.  Neither  masculine  indignation  nor  feminine  wiles 
succeeded  in  getting  them  into  camp.  This  rule,  harsh  as  it 
must  have  seemed  in  many  cases,  tended  to  prevent  unrest 
among  the  prisoners,  and  Captain  Ekin  commended  it  highly 
to  Secretary  of  War  Stanton.    Adjutant  General  Noble  at  the 

"For  the  effect  of  the  blockade  on  the  South,  see  J.  B.  Jones,  A  Rebel 
War  Clerk's  Diary  at  the  Confederate  States  Capital  (2  volumes.  Phila- 
delphia, J.  B.  Lippincott  &  Co.,  1866). 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  316-17,  335-36.  It  should  be  remembered 
that  the  Federal  Government  had  no  intention  of  supplying  clothes  that  would 
be  convertible  into  Confederate  uniforms,  should  prisoners  be  exchanged. 

"Ekin  to  Governor  Morton,  February  24,  1862,  Executive  Department 
file,  109.9,  J86i. 


same  time  protested  against  the  laxity  at  Camp  Chase,  where 
"avowedly  disloyal"  visitors  were  admitted.  The  result  was 
a  tightening  of  restrictions  in  other  camps,  and  commendation 
of  the  discipline  at  Camp  Morton.43 

Communication  by  mail  was  not  cut  off.  Prisoners  could 
write  home — the  newspapers  asked  for  donations  of  stamps 
for  the  prisoners'  mail — and  letters,  money,  clothing,  and  other 
donations  were  allowed  to  enter  the  camp  after  proper  inspec- 
tion. Assistant  Adjutant  General  James  Wilson  handled  this 
for  a  time,44  but  by  the  middle  of  March,  1862,  censorship  and 
inspection  duties  were  taking  the  entire  time  of  two  important 
officers,  and  Colonel  Owen  appealed  to  Governor  Morton  for 
someone  who  could  take  charge  of  the  post  office  and  inspect 
presents  for  the  prisoners.45  Abel  Evans  was  thereupon  ap- 
pointed special  postmaster  for  Camp  Morton  to  take  charge  of 
all  mail.  After  carefully  inspecting  the  letters  written,  Evans 
endorsed  each  envelope  "prisoner's  letter,"  "inspected,"  signed 
it,  mailed  all  that  were  within  the  Union  lines  and  returned 
the  rest  to  the  Adjutant  General's  office  to  be  forwarded  under 
a  flag  of  truce.  Likewise,  he  took  charge  of  all  letters  for 
prisoners  arriving  by  mail  or  otherwise,  and  inspected  them 
before  delivering  them.46 

Letters  were  given  out  between  two  and  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  and  could  be  mailed  out  between  three  and  four.47 
To  reduce  the  great  labor  of  inspection  an  order  was  issued  at 
this  time  that  prisoners  might  write  only  to  relatives  and  im- 
mediate friends.  Evidently  the  request  was  not  obeyed,  for 
nearly  a  month  later,  Adjutant  General  Noble  sent  Colonel 
Owen  a  number  of  copies  of  the  order  to  distribute  "freely" 
among  the  prisoners.  He  said  that  he,  himself,  had  burned  a 
number  of  letters  from  four  to  eight  pages  long,  and  that  half 

43Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  p.  131  ;  Indianapolis 
Journal,  February  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  March  17,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Official  Records, 
2  series,  III,  411,  412. 

^Indianapolis  Journal,  February  27,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  March  17,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

45Richard  Owen  file,  March  13,  1862,  Archives  Division,  Indiana  State 

46Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  p.  172.  See  also  Con- 
federate Veteran,  II,  115  (April,  1894),  VI,  583  (January,  1898). 

"Ante,  pp.  263-64. 


of  them  or  more,  were  to  mere  acquaintances  and  of  little 
importance.  Evans  was  expected  to  reject  and  destroy  this 
kind.  A  Federal  order  issued  later  in  the  summer  and  sent 
to  all  camps,  limited  letters  to  one  page  only,  the  contents  to 
be  of  a  strictly  private  nature.48 

The  censor's  task  was  not  always  dull.  The  following  lines 
from  a  southern  girl  to  "Dear  John"  at  Camp  Morton  were 
published  in  the  Indianapolis  Journal  and  copied  in  papers 
throughout  the  country:49  "I  will  be  for  Jeffdavise  til  the 
tenisee  river  freazes  over,  and  then  be  for  him,  and  scrach 
on  the  ice 

"Jeffdavise  rides  a  white  horse, 
Lincoln  rides  a  mule, 
Jeffdavise  is  a  gentleman, 
Lincoln  is  a  fule. 

"I  wish  I  could  send  them  lincon  devels  some  pies,  they 
would  never  want  any  more  to  eat  in  this  world." 

All  material  contributed  to  the  camp  locally,  such  as  news- 
papers and  books,  had  to  be  examined  for  fear  that  weapons 
or  tools  might  be  concealed  between  the  leaves.  Packages  sent 
to  the  prisoners  from  home  were  carefully  examined  by  the 
censor  and  contraband  materials  taken  out.  Jellies  and  other 
delicacies  were  confiscated  for  hospital  use.50 

For  a  time,  money  which  the  prisoners  brought  with  them, 
or  which  they  received  while  at  camp,  seems  to  have  been 
entirely  at  their  disposal.51  But  because  attempts  at  bribery 
were  suspected,  or  because  officials  thought  too  much  money 
was  going  into  the  hands  of  the  camp  sutler,  General  Noble 
decreed  on  May  2,  1862,  that  no  money  should  be  delivered  to 
prisoners  except  through  the  commandant's  hands,  that  no 
prisoners  receive  more  than  a  dollar  or  two  a  week  for  neces- 
saries, and  that  any  funds  remaining  to  a   prisoner's   credit 

48Indianapolis  Journal,  March  19,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  3 ;  Noble,  A.  G.  O., 
Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  172,  205  ;  Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  153. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  May  6,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

50 Indiana  Soldier,  1,  319. 

51The  Indianapolis  Journal,  April  8,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  4,  mentions  "about 
$6,000  received  lately,  and  distributed  among  the  rebel  prisoners  at  Camp 
Morton."  The  Journal  surmised  that  most  of  this  money,  sent  by  relatives 
in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  went  into  the  sutlers'  pockets. 


should  be  held  by  the  commandant,  to  be  doled  out  in 
small  quantities.52 

Unauthorized  sutlers  thronged  to  every  training  camp  and 
prison.  They  had  to  be  watched  continually  to  prevent  sale  of 
contraband,  and  to  protect  the  prisoners  from  being  over- 
charged. At  some  camps  they  became  very  wealthy,  but 
regulatory  precautions  were  taken  early  at  Camp  Morton. 
There  were  doubtless  some  unauthorized  venders  of  goods 
about,  and  the  regimental  sutlers  attached  to  the  Sixtieth  and 
Fifty-third  Regiments  probably  supplied  the  camp  to  some 
extent,  but  shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  first  prisoners, 
Governor  Morton  appointed  a  post  sutler,  Nathan  Crawford. 
Prisoners'  purchases  of  small  articles  were  supposed  thereafter 
to  be  made  through  him.  Much  friction  attended  the  attempt 
to  prevent  sutlers  from  competing,  and  nothing  but  threat  of 
arrest  was  effective  in  keeping  them  away  from  camp.53 

Owen  evidently  considered  literary  works  outside  the  sut- 
lers' line.  At  any  rate  he  allowed  William  Gibson  and  a 
"Mr.  Keatting"  to  sell  books  and  periodicals  in  the  camp,  de- 
fending the  procedure  as  "beneficial  to  the  Prisoners  by 
keeping  them  occupied  &  contented."  He  also  secured  several 
hundred  books  for  them  from  the  superintendent  of  pub- 
lic instruction.54 

When  free  men  constantly  chafe  against  restrictions,  how 
much  more  likely  that  prisoners  of  war,  humiliated  by  their 
capture  and  depressed  by  hardships  and  illness  should  fret 
against  camp  discipline.  In  spite  of  their  labors  at  policing, 
"KP"  duty,  and  at  the  hospitals  and  cemeteries,  the  prisoners 
had  many  empty  hours  which  Owen  gave  them  every  latitude 
in  filling  with  such  amusements  as  they  could  devise. 

Fraternal  organizations  such  as  the  Masons  and  Odd 
Fellows,  sent  a  friendly  greeting  to  prisoner  members,  and 
groups  from  these  orders  were  allowed  to  meet  at  the  camp 
in  what  had  once   been  the  headquarters  of  the  Board  of 

"Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  i,  p.  225. 
"Ibid.,  pp.  157,  553,  556. 

"Memorandum,  April  26,  1862,  Richard  Owen  file,  Archives  Division, 
Indiana  State  Library;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  April  11,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


Agriculture. 55  Prisoners  with  anxious  mothers  or  sweethearts 
could  have  their  pictures  taken  at  Mr.  Charles  D.  Vajen's 
"Daguerrian  or  Photographic  establishment."  This  was 
authorized  in  March.  Vajen  was  allowed  to  employ  only  two 
assistants,  the  three  of  them  being  commanded  to  have  no 
intercourse  with  the  prisoners  beyond  what  was  demanded  by 
their  business,  and  to  carry  no  letters  or  messages.56  The 
stream  of  daguerreotypes  that  flowed  from  Camp  Morton  to 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Mississippi  must  have  carried  com- 
fort to  the  folks  at  home,  no  matter  how  blurry  the  print  or 
how  stary-eyed  the  subject. 

Music  was  another  palliative.  Though  camp  regulations 
discouraged  the  prisoners  from  congregating  in  groups  of 
more  than  two  or  three,  especially  at  night,  they  were  allowed 
to  form  more  than  one  glct  club,  and  a  band  of  Ethiopian 
minstrels  gave  concerts  now  and  then.  On  one  occasion  the 
prisoners  serenaded  the  officers  with  "Dixie"  and  a  collection 
of  other  secession  songs.  A  few  weeks  later,  the  band  of  the 
United  States  Regulars  gave  a  concert  at  the  camp.  We  have 
no  record  of  their  program,  but  it  must  have  been  chosen  with 
extreme  care,  for  according  to  the  Sentinel  it  "enlivened  the 
hearts  of  both  prisoners  and  citizens."07  Besides  the  singers 
there  were  some  fair  actors  in  the  camp,  who  were  allowed  to 
arrange  dramatic  entertainments  for  the  hospitals.  One  is 
said  to  have  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance,  become  a  member 
of  the  old  Metropolitan  Company,  and  remained  in  Indianapolis 
for  years  after  the  war.58 

In  the  big  central  area  of  the  camp  ball  games  were  per- 
mitted. Another  great  resource  of  the  prisoner  was  whittling. 
Thousands  of  handmade  souvenirs  still  exist :  pipe  bowls  of 
many  materials,  brooches  cut  from  beef  bones,  and  puzzles 
of  the  common  sort  were  made  in   quantity;  rings   whittled 

^Ibid.,  February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Indianapolis  Journal,  July  28,  1862, 
P-  3,  c.  1. 

66Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  Xo.  1,  p.  173. 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  March  26,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  May  13,  p.  3,  c.  1 ; 
Indianapolis  Journal,  July  28,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

^Indianapolis  News,  February  24,  1897,  p.  6,  c.  2. 


from  rubber  buttons  and  inlaid  with  silver  stars  cut  from  dimes 
were  fashionable;  others  were  carved  out  of  cannel  coal.59 

Unfortunately  a  brisk  contraband  trade  in  these  articles 
developed  through  the  newsboys  who  entered  the  camp.  Worse 
still  was  the  fact  that  the  prisoners  had  been  allowed  to  keep 
the  knives  with  which  they  whittled,  and  even  old  pistols  of  the 
heirloom  variety.  This  gave  rise  in  May  to  rumors  that  a 
great  number  of  "arms"  had  been  smuggled  to  the  prisoners. 
Regretfully  Owen  ordered  these  sorry  weapons  turned  in. 
They  were  delivered  promptly — some  forty  or  fifty  "antique, 
half-cocked  and  empty  pistols"  and  about  three  times  as  many 
knives.  Each  article,  carefully  labeled  with  its  owner's  name, 
was  put  away  to  be  redelivered  when  the  prisoners  were  ex- 
changed or  liberated.  The  Sentinel  commented  tartly:  "it 
indicates  a  singular  want  of  confidence,  on  the  part  of 
any  portion  of  the  community,  in  Col.  Owen,  who  has 
proved  himself  a  most  able  and  vigilant  officer,  to  inti- 
mate that  his  vigilance  could  permit  arms  to  be  smuggled 
into  Camp  Morton."60 

There  had  been  some  criticism  of  Owen's  leniency  before 
this  date.  It  had  been  his  practice  to  allow  prisoners  to  visit 
their  comrades  in  the  hospital.  The  privilege  was  extended 
"to  permit  some  of  the  sergeants  of  Prisoners  to  make  a  few 
purchases  under  the  charge  of  officers  who  pledged  themselves 
that  there  should  be  no  interviews."61  On  April  15  a  little 
group  started  for  the  business  district.  They  made  purchases 
here  and  there,  then,  unluckily  for  themselves,  their  fellow 
prisoners,  and  Owen,  part  of  them  stopped  at  a  saloon  and 
"imbibed  freely."  Worse  still,  they  bootlegged  liquor  back  to 
camp,  and  by  night  some  of  the  prisoners  were  so  exhilarated 
that  they  threw  stones  and  beef  bones  at  the  sergeant  of  the 
guard.  One  of  the  guards  was  sent  posthaste  for  Owen,  but 
before  he  could  return  a  well-aimed  beef  bone  knocked  the 
sergeant  off  his  feet.     Without  waiting  for  Owen's  counsel, 

^"Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,"  Century  Magazine,  XLII, 
770  (September,  1891). 

60Indianapolis  Sentinel,  May  31,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

G1Owen  to  Morton,  April  16,  1862,  in  Sixtieth  Regiment  Indiana  Volun- 
teers file,  folder  C. 


he  ordered  his  men  to  fire.  Four  men  were  injured,  two 
slightly,  and  two  so  seriously  that  they  had  to  be  sent  to  the 
hospital  next  day.  The  battery  of  artillery  which  commanded 
the  camp,  alarmed  by  the  firing  within  the  wall,  hastily  fired 
a  round  of  blank  cartridges.  Presumably  this  and  Owen's 
appearance  settled  the  camp  for  the  night,  but  the  episode  was 
not  closed.  Governor  Morton  called  for  an  explanation,  and 
both  Sentinel  and  Journal  wanted  to  know  how  such  a  situa- 
tion could  arise.62 

Owen  wrote  to  the  Governor  on  April  16.  He  told  under 
what  instructions  the  expedition  had  been  allowed  and  an- 
nounced the  suspension  of  similar  privileges  in  future.  He  had 
not  been  able  to  discover  which  men  threw  rocks  at  the  guard, 
but  said  that  the  prisoners  had  "promised  to  bring  them  to 
speedy  punishment  (saying  that  hanging  was  too  good  for 
them)."  He  intimated  that  if  the  Governor  disapproved  of 
the  system  adopted  or  knew  of  someone  who  could  carry  out 
his  views  better,  "the  officers  &  Soldiers  of  the  Sixtieth  would 
feel  grateful  for  the  change.,,  He  called  attention  to  the  high 
mortality  among  his  overworked  men,  and  mentioned  that  he 
had  been  informed  there  was  no  prospect  of  his  receiving  any 
pay  for  the  past  six  months'  services.63 

Two  days  later  he  wrote  to  the  Journal  at  greater  length, 
setting  forth  his  aims,  the  general  system  of  the  camp,  and 
the  unending  demands  on  himself  and  his  men.  "I  have  never 
spent  one  night  from  camp  since  I  was  ordered  here,"  he 
wrote,  "nor  entered  a  hotel  or  saloon  since  my  arrival.  After 
a  heavy  day's  work,  I  sometimes,  at  night,  retire  to  my  camp 
cot,  without  divesting  myself  of  either  coat  or  boots,  in  order 
to  be  ready  at  the  slightest  noise  for  my  responsible  and 
onerous  duties."  He  called  attention  with  justifiable  pride  to 
the  small  number  of  escapes  from  the  camp  proper,  only  13 
out  of  4,200  prisoners,  part  of  whom  had  been  recaptured 
and  brought  back.64 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  April  17,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  1  ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
April  17,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1, 
p.  204. 

63Sixtieth  Regiment  Indiana  Volunteers  file,  folder  C. 

84Indianapolis  Journal,  April  21,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  1-2. 


Another  well-intentioned  concession  to  the  prisoners  re- 
sulted in  much  the  same  way.  As  the  days  grew  warmer, 
squads  of  prisoners  were  taken  daily  to  Fall  Creek,  under 
guard,  for  bathing.  On  a  day  in  June  a  party  of  five  or  six 
inveigled  their  guards  into  allowing  an  examination  of  their 
new  Enfield  rifles.  The  guards  were  overpowered  in  a  flash, 
and  the  prisoners  proceeded  southward.65 

Prisoners  acting  as  hospital  orderlies  sometimes  succeeded 
in  slipping  away,  as  the  hospital  guards  were  few.  It  was  not 
so  easy  to  get  away  from  Camp  Morton.  Captain  Kidd's  Bat- 
tery of  Light  Artillery  deserved  part  of  the  credit  for  this.  As 
a  reassurance  to  the  citizens  or  a  warning  to  the  prisoners — 
perhaps  both — the  Sentinel  announced  immediately  after  the 
arrival  of  the  first  Confederates  that  the  battery  was  stationed 
''about  Camp  Morton,  commanding  every  entrance  and  exit 
and  all  the  buildings  and  every  acre  for  miles  around."66  There 
were  sentries  on  the  wall  and,  for  a  time  at  least,  a  chain  of 
guards  stationed  inside  it.  These  were  later  reduced  to  small 
patrols  with  side  arms.  Sentinels  were  ordered  to  fire  at  any 
prisoner  who  persisted  in  ignoring  three  "positive  and  distinct" 
orders  to  desist  from  a  violation  of  rules,  such  as  climbing 
on  the  fence.     At  night  only  one  order  was  required.67 

Toward  the  end  of  March,  a  prisoner  was  wounded  while 
attempting  to  pass  the  guard.  A  few  days  later  Governor 
Morton  appointed  a  special  officer  to  arrest  and  bring  back 
escaped  prisoners;  and  the  same  day  word  went  to  the  camp: 
that  all  recaptured  prisoners  would  be  sent  to  the  Marion 
County  jail  for  close  confinement  in  irons.68  The  jail  was  not 
popular.  Six  prisoners  inhabiting  that  "low  and  degraded 
Den'  asked  for  a  minister  of  the  gospel  to  sing  and  pray  with 
them.  One  of  the  signers  was  a  George  McCormick,  whose 
mess  mates  later  petitioned  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  return 

65Indianapolis  Sentinel,  May  16,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  June  14,  p.  3,  c.  1 ; 
Madison  Courier  (daily),  June  16,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  1. 

""Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

67Rule  9,  ante,  p.  264. 

68Indianapolis  Journal,  April  1,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  3 ;  Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter 
and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  195,  196. 













a    a     vyy 



A      A      AAAA 

A  AAA  * 
A  B  AA  + 

♦TV  + 

•      ♦      ♦      «.      * 

♦      ♦      ♦ 






f  AAA* 


1 1 





1 1 



Al      A' 









A      AA 


ran     _ 


ACQD  + 




Aaaa  t 


A      AA  ♦ 












CO.  I  A 

AA      A 

AAAA  + 




r  i6 




A      AA  + 



1 — 



ACO.K  ♦ 



1    14    | 





1  is 

1               A 

A  A      B 

A      AA 



A  A      A 

J*  | 




A  A      T 

ACQE   + 

AAAA  + 





7  ( 

3"  9 

A  A      I 

+■      +_ + 


— — spTi 

+     .  AlQ     + 

+      +      + 


f~A  AV      ''  P  O  T  < 

A      AA 




AAAA      L 

A      A 

A     z 

\              A      A 




A      A 

A      L 

\               A      A 
\                       A 






CO.  F 

1  1 1     CQA 






^             AAA 


Camp  Morton,  1862,  adapted  from  map  by  E.  S.  Thrall,  Sixtieth  Regi- 
ment Indiana  Volunteers.  1.  Entrance.  2.  Officer  of  gate.  3.  Drummers. 
4.  Barber.  5.  Picture  gallery.  6.  Majors.  7.  Chaplain.  8.  Steward.  9, 
Colonel.  10.  Magazine.  11.  Stable.  12.  Wagon  master.  13.  Gate. 
14-16.  Barracks.  17.  Commissary,  60th  Regiment.  18.  Bakery.  19.  Stable. 
20.  Gate.  21.  Commissary,  63d  Regiment.  22-22,.  Prisoners'  tents,  shed. 
24.  Preacher's  stand  (Parson  Brownlow).  25.  Surgeon.  26.  Sutler.  27.  Pic- 
ture car.  28.  Post  office.  29.  Barracks.  30.  Doctor.  31.  Hospital  tent. 
32.  Receiving  hospital.  33.  Dispensary.  34.  Prisoners'  tent.  35-39.  Bar- 
racks 1-5.  +  Sentinels.  Guard  companies,  unless  otherwise  indicated, 
belonged  to  the  60th  Regiment.  Batteries  were  Captain  Coulson's,  Captain 
Xicklin's,  and  Captain  Von  Schlen's. 


to  camp,  to  share  their  "comparatively  light  imprisonment."69 

About  this  time  the  guards  were  issued  revolvers  in 
addition  to  the  usual  arms,  to  be  used  in  case  of  attempted 
prison  breaks.  Kidd's  Battery  was  withdrawn  in  the  middle  of 
April,  and  this  fact  may  have  stimulated  in  the  prisoners  new 
hopes  of  escape.  Following  rumors  of  an  intended  stam- 
pede, the  sentinels  were  doubled,  and  the  patrols  inside 
the  camp  increased.70 

Accidents  happened,  with  the  camp  full  of  unrest  and  the 
guards  tense  and  nervous.  One  Sunday  night  about  nine 
o'clock,  one  of  the  prisoners  mounted  a  rise  in  the  grounds 
from  which  he  could  see  over  the  wall.  He  was  hailed  by 
the  sentry  and  ordered  to  move.  But  the  guard  was  being 
changed,  and  in  the  clatter  of  orders,  the  prisoner,  as  he 
explained  later,  did  not  hear  the  sentinel's  challenge.  He  did 
not  move,  and  the  sentry  fired,  wounding  him  slightly.  The 
man  was  a  Baptist  preacher.  His  statement  that  he  had  no 
intention  of  disobeying  an  order  was  believed,  and  he  escaped 
the  further  misery  of  being  dragged  off  to  jail.  In  spite  of 
the  tightened  discipline,  a  prisoner  occasionally  escaped,  or  was 
wounded  in  the  attempt.71 

One  nineteen-year-old  youth  tried  to  escape  in  women's 
clothes.  Said  the  Sentinel,  directing  its  sarcasm  impartially  at 
guards  and  prisoner :  "He  was  not  shot  at,  for  a  wonder,  but 
came  down  to  the  valiant  sentinel  voluntarily.  He  cut  an 
excellent  figure  the  next  morning  as  he  was  led  to  jail  personat- 
ing a  beautiful  and  blushing  secession  damsel."72 

Camp  discipline  was  badly  strained  on  one  occasion  when 
Governor  Morton  brought  a  visitor  to  address  the  men.     The 

""Petitions  of  April  25  and  May  28,  1862,  to  Governor  Morton,  Executive 
Department  file,  109.9,  1861,  Archives  Division,  Indiana  State  Library.  By 
June  3,  there  were  eighteen  recaptured  prisoners  in  the  jail.  Indianapolis 
Journal,  June  3,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1.  See  also  the  Sentinel,  May  21,  1862,  p.  3, 
c.  2. 

70Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  198,  212. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  April  30,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  May  6,  p.  3,  c.  3 ;  June 
2,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  April  11,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  May  6,  p.  3,  c.  1 ; 
Confederate  Veteran,  V,  15  (January,  1897)  ;  VI,  537  (November,  1* 
XXXV,  456-60  (December,  1927). 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  June  7,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


Reverend  William  G.  Brownlow,  a  violently  Unionist  minister 
and  newspaper  editor  of  Knoxville,  Tennessee,  was  thoroughly 
detested  by  the  Confederates.  To  dispose  of  him,  they  sent 
him  within  the  Union  lines  in  the  spring  of  1862.  He  began 
a  series  of  lectures  in  the  northern  states,  reaching  Indianapolis 
in  April.  A  speech  from  Parson  Brownlow  was  more  than 
the  "obstreperous  and  unrepentant"  Kentuckians  could  bear. 
They  jeered  and  shouted,  called  him  "the  old  traitor,"  and 
begged  to  have  him  put  out.73 

A  constant  grievance  with  the  prisoners  was  the  epithet 
"rebel."  When  the  Journal  capped  this  by  referring  to  some  of 
them  as  "rowdy  rebels,"  they  promptly  invited  the  editor  to 
visit  the  camp,  promising  a  "cord-is\  reception."74 

Even  when  the  prisoners  were  not  trying  to  escape  or 
booing  distinguished  visitors,  they  could  make  a  guard's  life 
miserable.  Keeping  always  on  the  alert,  watching  and  listen- 
ing, wearied  the  nerves.  It  amused  the  prisoners  to  start 
rumors — analogous  to  the  ghost  stories  of  civilian  life — filled 
with  references  to  plans  for  escape.  Or  they  would  entertain 
themselves  by  mimicking  the  cries  of  men  in  pain  or  delirium. 
Their  success  in  annoying  the  sentries  accounts  for  the 
story,  probably  apocryphal,  that  a  home  guard,  on  the 
night  of  an  eclipse,  fired  at  his  own  shadow,  mistaking  it 
for  a  rebel  prisoner.75 

During  the  first  weeks,  the  guards  ploughed  their  beats  in 
mud  "shoe-mouth"  deep.  As  a  preventive  to  sickness,  the 
Adjutant  General  arranged  for  the  laying  of  walks,  and  asked 
for  some  Sibley  tents  with  floors  and  stoves.76  A  house  for 
the  guards  on  duty  was  later  built  outside  the  wall,  and  paid 
for  from  the  prisoners'   fund.77     Their  regular  quarters  lay 

^Confederate  Veteran,  XVIII,  334  (July,  1910)  ;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
April  9,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

nIbid.,  April  29,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

75Ibid.,  June  14,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

76Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  148,  149-50;  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  March  9,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2.  A  Sibley  tent  when  pitched  was  about 
twelve  feet  high,  conical,  and  would  accommodate  twenty  men  for  sleeping 
purposes.  Annals  of  the  Fifty-Seventh  Regiment  Indiana  Volunteers  .  .  . 
(Dayton,  Ohio,  1868),  p.  20. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  621. 


south  of  Camp  Morton  between  Nineteenth  and  Tinker  (now 
Sixteenth)  streets,  and  came  to  be  known  as  Camp  Burnside.78 

Owen's  force  was  not  large  in  proportion  to  the  number 
of  men  to  be  guarded.  His  regiment  was  not  at  full  strength 
when  he  was  summoned  to  Indianapolis  in  February,  and  he 
continued  recruiting  in  addition  to  all  his  duties  as  commandant 
at  Camp  Morton.  None  of  the  organizations  which  assisted 
the  Sixtieth — the  Fiftv-third,  and  Kidd's  Batterv  of  Lighl 
Artillery,  succeeded  by  a  battalion  from  the  Sixty-third  Regi- 
ment and  some  companies  from  the  Sixty-first — remained  at 
the  camp  for  any  length  of  time.  On  May  4,  1862,  Owen 
called  Colonel  Hoffman's  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  was 
guarding  over  four  thousand  men  with  a  minimum  regiment 
and  207  men  from  another,  while  at  Camp  Chase  there  were 
two  regiments  to  guard  about  a  thousand  prisoners.79  The 
men  were  overworked,  and  the  death  rate  among  them  was  as 
high  as  among  the  regiments  in  the  field.80 

One  of  Owen's  duties  was  the  examination  of  petitions  on 
behalf  of  the  prisoners.81  Their  variety  was  astonishing, 
though  most  of  them  had  the  same  basic  purpose,  to  secure  a 
release  or  parole.  Unionist  fathers  from  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee asked  the  release  of  their  sons,  offering  security  for 
their  conduct  during  the  remainder  of  the  war.  The  com- 
mander of  a  force  of  Federal  soldiers  which  had  captured  a 
group  of  young  Confederates  from  the  same  county,  wrote 
that  the  prisoners  were  truly  repentant  and  requested  their 
parole.  An  Indianan  told  how  his  brother  had  been  persuaded 
to  leave  home,  how  he  had  gone  to  Arkansas,  started  home- 
ward, and  on  the  way  had  been  impressed  into  the  Confederate 
Army  at  Memphis. 

Some  petitioners  were  modest  in  their  requests :  for  ex- 
ample, a  Kentuckian  asked  only  that  his  nephew  be  transferred 

78"01dfish  on  Memorials,"  in  Indianapolis  News,  August  15,  1913,  p.  6, 
c  5- 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  515. 

S0Owen  to  Morton,  April  16,  1862,  Sixtieth  Regiment  Indiana  Volunteers 
file,  folder  C  ;  Report  from  City  Hospital,  Indianapolis  Journal,  April  29, 
1862,  p.  3,  c.  3  :  Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  515. 

slThere  are  three  folders  of  these  petitions  in  the  Archives  Division,  In- 
diana State  Library,  Executive  Department  file.  109.9,  186 1. 


from  prison  quarters  at  St.  Louis  to  join  his  comrades  at 
Camp  Morton.  At  the  other  extreme  was  the  gentleman  who 
confided  to  Governor  Morton  that  he  wanted  his  son  released. 
but  hoped  to  have  him  stay  in  school  at  Indianapolis  for  two 
years ;  he  asked  that  the  Governor  would  help  him  find  a  good 
hoarding  place.  Occasionally  people  wrote  protesting  against 
a  release  or  calling  attention  to  some  prisoner  who  had  deserted 
the  Union  forces  to  join  the  South. 

Petitions  from  the  prisoners  show  an  equal  variety.  Re- 
quests for  full  or  limited  parole  often  followed  some  family 
catastrophe,  children  left  helpless,  a  sick  sister,  a  dying  wife 
or  mother.  Wounds  and  ailments  induced  others  to  apply  for 
parole  or  discharge,  and  physicians  and  comrades  frequently 
joined  forces  to  help  these  cases.  We  have  no  record  of  the 
action  taken  on  the  majority  of  these  appeals.  In  one  case, 
Adjutant  General  Noble  instructed  Owen  to  release  a  boy  who 
had  been  impressed  into  service,  and  since  the  Government 
made  no  arrangement  for  transportation  in  such  instances,  he 
suggested  turning  the  boy  loose,  with  a  note  recommending 
him  to  the  charity  of  railroad  and  steamboat  lines.82 

Among  the  more  unusual  petitions  is  one  from  a  Scot  who 
had  lost  his  job  in  the  South  and  entered  the  army  in  despera- 
tion. He  asked  to  be  released  to  return  to  Scotland.  A 
German,  also,  in  platelike  script  begged  to  be  freed  to  return 
to  the  Fatherland.  One  curious  case  involved  a  free  colored 
man  and  his  nephew  who  had  been  arrested  for  aiding  the 
rebels.  Some  of  the  petitioners  were  willing  to  use  any  means 
to  help  themselves.  One  man  asked  Owen  if  he  could  not  be 
got  off  "without  exciting  any  suspicion,"  and  four  members 
of  a  fraternal  organization  to  which  he  belonged,  promised 
never  to  tell  if  Owen  could  manage  their  discharge. 

Some  of  the  petitions  show  how  successfully  Owen  had 
preached  his  doctrine  that  the  Union  was  worth  preserving.  A 
private  from  Tennessee  wrote  to  Morton :  "I  thought  that 
I  was  fighting  enimies  but  I  am  sadly  mistaken."  Numbers 
of  Tennesseans  asserted  that  they  had  been  forced  into  service. 
"I  was  always  a  union  man  and  am  one  til  yet,"  wrote  one  of 

"Letter  of  March  19,  1862,  Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No. 
1,  p.  174. 


this  group  to  Owen.  "I  voted  against  the  stait  going  out  all 
the  time  I  had  nothinge  to  Doo  with  the  rebelyan  from  the 
first  to  the  last  and  when  Harris  made  his  last  cal  for  thirty 
thousand  troups  theay  Drafted  me  in  the  sirvise.  ...  I  want 
your  advice  what  to  do."  Fear  of  the  three-year  draft  induced 
numbers  of  Union  sympathizers  who  could  not  go  North  to 
enlist  for  one  year  as  volunteers.  The  idea  of  abolition  was 
still  abhorrent  to  most  of  the  prisoners,  however,  and  one  man 
spoke  for  many  of  his  comrades  when  he  said :  "I  am 
a  union  man  that  is  to  say  I  am  not  an  abolitionist  by 
any  means  whatever." 

Petitions  from  individuals  and  groups  of  prisoners  asking 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  began  as  early  as  March,  1862,83 
and  increased  as  rumors  of  a  general  exchange  seeped  through 
the  camp.  The  writers  suffered  considerably  from  the  resent- 
ment of  their  secessionist  fellows,  and  one,  who  went  so  far 
as  to  write  a  pro-Union  article  for  the  Journal,  found  the 
prisoners  particularly  hot  against  him.  A  loyal  Pennsylvanian 
was  lodged  for  a  time  in  the  city  jail  on  suspicion  of  being  a 
spy.  When  it  seemed  probable  to  the  authorities  that  he  would 
be  able  to  establish  his  standing  as  a  Union  man,  they  trans- 
ferred him  to  the  less  uncomfortable  camp  to  wait  until  the 
case  was  decided ;  soon  they  had  to  transfer  him  back,  jail  prov- 
ing less  unendurable  than  the  jeers  and  taunts  of  the  prisoners. 

While  Camp  Morton  was  settling  into  comparative  serenity, 
and  good  feeling  grew  between  the  prisoners  and  the  authorities 
in  this  little  backwater,  the  main  current  of  war  rolled  heavily 
along.  In  May,  1862,  Washington  was  thrown  into  a  panic 
by  the  repeated  thrusts  of  the  Confederates,  and  Morton  was 
called  upon  for  more  troops.  Brigadier  General  G.  W.  Morgan 
was  asking  at  the  same  time  for  troops  to  be  used  against 
John  Morgan.  On  May  12  Governor  Morton's  secretary 
telegraphed  Morgan  that  he  had  scarcely  enough  infantry  to 
guard  the  prisoners.  Ten  days  later  he  suggested  to  Stanton 
that  if  "the  rebels"  could  be  sent  to  Sandusky  and  Columbus, 
a  good  regiment  would  be  ready  for  immediate  service.     This 

83Petitions  in  Executive  Department  file,  109.9,  1861,  Archives  Division, 
Indiana  State  Library;  Indianapolis  Journal,  March  II,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  March 
12,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  March  27,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


regiment  was  of  course  Owen's  Sixtieth.  On  May  26  orders 
came  for  the  regiment  to  be  sent  to  Halleck,  and  calls  were 
hurriedly  sent  out  for  companies  of  three-months  men  to 
guard  Camp  Morton.84 

Colonel  Hoffman  hated  to  see  the  efficient  organization  at 
Indianapolis  disturbed.  He  visited  Camp  Morton  toward  the 
end  of  May  and  expressed  himself  as  highly  pleased  with  the 
manner  in  which  the  prisoners  were  kept,  and  with  the  man- 
agement of  the  finance,  quartermaster's,  and  subsistence  de- 
partments.85 Although  authorized  to  retain  the  commanders 
of  Camps  Douglas  and  Morton  temporarily,  he  realized  the 
objections  to  detaching  a  colonel  from  his  regiment,  and  did 
not  try  to  hold  Owen,  but  he  did  ask  that  Lieutenant  John  J. 
Palmer,  able  post  quartermaster  at  Camp  Morton,  be  allowed  to 
remain.  Morton,  far  more  interested  in  keeping  the  regiment 
intact,  denied  having  authority  to  detail  Palmer  for  such  duty, 
and  sent  him  along  with  Owen.86 

The  news  that  Owen  had  been  ordered  into  active  service 
was  received  by  the  prisoners  with  apprehension.  There  is 
some  evidence  that  they  thought  his  removal  was  hastened  by 
the  consideration  he  had  shown  them.  They  addressed  the 
following  petition  to  the  Governor  :87 

"Knowing  that  it  is  a  matter  of  state  pride  with  your 
Excellency  that  prisoners  of  war  sent  to  Indiana  should  remain 
quietly  until  satisfactory  arrangements  can  be  made  for  their 
release,  and  believing  that  this  object  can  better  be  attained  by 
the  60th  regiment  being  retained  in  their  present  situation  than 
by  any  change,  we  respectfully  solicit  your  Excellency,  if  not 

8401iver  P.  Morton,  Telegraphic  Correspondence,  February  5-June  10, 
1862,  pp.  240,  241,  243,  255,  259,  262,  263,  273,  274,  278,  279,  289. 

b5Indianapolis  Journal,  June  4,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

86Lorenzo  Thomas  to  Hoffman,  June  13,  1862,  Official  Records,  2  series, 
IV,  15;  Hoffman  to  Morton,  June  26,  1862,  in  Sixtieth  Regiment  Indiana 
Volunteers  file,  folder  A,  Archives  Division,  Indiana  State  Library ;  Morton 
to  Hoffman,  June  28,  1862,  in  Morton  Letter  Book,  June  23,  1862-January 
17,  1863,  pp.  21-22. 

870wen  to  Morton,  May  29,  1862,  Richard  Owen  file,  Archives  Division, 
Indiana  State  Library.  The  petition  is  printed  in  the  Indianapolis  Journal, 
May  31,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  1.  The  original  is  in  the  Oliver  Perry  Morton  special 
file,  Archives  Division. 


inconsistent  with  the  interests  to  which  you  are  pledged,  that 
you  will  permit  the  same  regiment  still  to  remain  in  command 
of  Camp  Morton  feeling  that  while  true  to  their  Government 
and  strictly  carrying  out  all  the  regulations  of  your  Excellency, 
they  have  combined  therewith  the  humanity  and  kindness  we 
so  highly  appreciate.  As  an  inducement  to  grant  our  request 
we  pledge  ourselves  that  we  will  conform  to  the  prescribed 
rules  and  regulations  adopted  by  your  Excellency  for  our  obser- 
vation and  safekeeping,  and  you  will  never  have  cause  to  repent 
your  having  granted  us  this  favor." 

The  need  for  experienced  troops  outweighed  any  other  con- 
sideration at  the  moment,  and  the  only  result  of  the  petition  was 
to  put  on  record  the  devotion  which  Owen  had  inspired.  He 
and  his  regiment  left  Indianapolis  for  Louisville  on  June  20. 88 
They  were  sent  to  Lebanon,  and  from  there  to  Munfordville, 
Kentucky.  There,  in  September,  the  Union  forces  were  sur- 
rounded by  General  Braxton  Bragg's  army,  and  Owen  was 
captured  with  part  of  his  regiment.  His  generosity  to  the  Fort 
Donelson  prisoners  was  promptly  repaid.  General  Buckner, 
by  this  time  exchanged  and  again  in  service,  thanked  the 
Colonel  for  his  kindness  to  prisoners  at  Camp  Morton  and 
returned  his  side  arms.  The  men  of  the  Sixtieth  Indiana  were 
greeted  with  equal  friendliness  by  their  former  prisoners  and 
joined  in  the  jokes  on  the  vicissitudes  of  war.89 

A  further  tribute  from  southern  prisoners  to  Colonel  Owen 
is  the  bronze  bust  in  the  main- floor  corridor  of  the  State 
House  at  Indianapolis.  More  than  one  memorial  to  this  man 
exists,  but  only  this  one  is  connected  with  Camp  Morton. 
S.  A.  Cunningham,  for  many  years  editor  of  the  Confederate 
Veteran,  conceived  the  idea,90  and  received  permission  in  191 1 
to  place  a  bronze  memorial  tablet  somewhere  in  Indianapolis. 
Contributions  to  the  project  were  so  generous  that  the  bronze 
bust  illustrated  opposite  page  262  was  substituted  for  the  tablet. 

s8Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  282,  287,  294. 

89Indianapolis  Sentinel,  October  4,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Official  Records,  1 
series,  XIX,  pt.  1,  pp.  959  ff. ;  N.  H.  Winchell,  A  Sketch  of  Richard  Owen 
(reprint  from  American  Geologist,  September,  1890),  p.  137. 

90 [Cunningham],  Memorials  .  .  .,  pp.  1-3 1. 


It  was  beautifully  designed  by  Belle  Kinney,  daughter  of  a  Con- 
federate soldier,  and  bears  a  heartwarming  inscription  : 




Tribute  by  Confederate  prisoners 

of  war  and  their  friends 

for  his  courtesv  and  kindness. 

III.    David  Garland  Rose  :  Exchanges  and  Paroles,  1862 

Camp  Morton  was  in  a  bustle  of  reorganization  from  the 
last  week  in  May,  1862,  until  the  middle  of  June.  Like 
a  magician  suddenly  called  upon  to  pull  a  rabbit  from  a  hat, 
Governor  Morton  was  expected  to  provide  a  new  commandant  . 
and  to  recruit,  organize,  muster  in,  and  administer  a  little 
rudimentary  training  to  a  new  force  of  guards. 

His  choice  for  commandant  was  David  Garland  Rose, 
United  States  marshal  for  Indiana  since  1861.  Rose  had 
served  as  special  aide  to  Morton  in  connection  with  relief  work 
among  soldiers  in  Missouri.  Because  there  was  some  fear  that 
his  appointment  as  commandant  at  Camp  Morton  might  vacate 
or  interfere  with  his  Federal  office  as  marshal,  the  position 
of  commandant  was  offered  to  Colonel  John  L.  Mansfield  of 
Jefferson  County  on  June  7.  Mansfield,  engaged  with 
General  Love  in  organizing  the  Indiana  Legion,  declined. 
Morton  then  appealed  to  President  Lincoln  to  arrange  matters 
to  permit  Rose's  appointment  at  Camp  Morton.  He  was 
mustered  in  as  colonel  of  the  Fifty-fourth  Indiana  Vol- 
unteers, in  charge  of  the  camp,  on  June  19.1  L.  Gilbert 
Knox  was  appointed  lieutenant  colonel,  and  William  C.  Lup- 
ton  post  quartermaster.2 

In  the  meantime,  Adjutant  General  Noble  had  been  busy 
assembling  a  guard  from  the  Indiana  Legion.  General  Orders 
No.  38,  issued  on  May  28,  1862,  asked  for  fifteen  hundred 
men,  organized  in  companies  of  not  less  than  sixty-seven,  for 
four-months  service.  They  were  to  be  mustered  into  United 
States  service,  and  receive  the  same  pay  and  allowance  as 
United  States  volunteers.  This  order  was  superseded  on 
June    2    by    General    Orders    No.    41,    which    shortened    the 

1Terrell,  Report,  II,  xi,  533 ;  Morton,  Telegraphic  Correspondence, 
February  5-June  10,  1862,  pp.  298,  308,  312;  ibid.,  June  11-July  31,  1862,  pp. 
14,  26. 

'Terrell,  Report,  II,  533. 



period  of  service  and  made  some  other  modifications  in 
the  original  order.3 

Among  the  first  replacements  to  reach  Camp  Morton  were 
three  Legion  companies  from  Jefferson  County.  The  men 
in  one  of  these  companies  had  volunteered  unanimously,  leaving 
their  farms  to  look  after  themselves.  Volunteers  came  from 
all  sections  of  the  state.  By  the  end  of  the  first  week  in  June 
over  four  hundred  had  been  sworn  in  for  three-months  service, 
and  there  were  half  as  many  more  waiting  for  their  companies 
to  be  completed.  Some  of  the  recruits  went  into  the  Fifty- 
fourth  Regiment,  under  Colonel  Rose,  some  into  the  Fifty- 
fifth,  under  Colonel  John  R.  Mahan.  Most  of  the  Fifty-fourth 
remained  at  Camp  Morton  until  August;  seven  companies  of 
the  Fifty-fifth  were  sent  to  Kentucky  in  July,  and  another  call 
went  out  for  replacements  at  the  prisoners'  camp.  The  new 
men  were  called  for  thirty  days  only.4 

Continuous  shifting  of  the  guard  companies  caused  some 
confusion  at  the  camp.  Lack  of  experience  among  the  men 
caused  more.  They  were  unaccustomed  to  strict  discipline ; 
some  of  them  were  so  awkward  with  firearms  that  they 
wounded  themselves.  Many  of  them  worried  about  the  fields 
left  untended  at  home,  and  because  a  good  harvest  was  im- 
portant, they  were  allowed  ten-day  furloughs — in  relays — to 
bring  in  the  crops.5 

Governor  Morton,  trying  to  supply  troops  for  active  service 
to  meet  the  heavy  demands  in  June  and  July,  resented  the  tying 
up  of  more  than  a  thousand  men  at  Camp  Morton,  and  tele- 
graphed for  permission  to  distribute  the  prisoners  among  the 
camps  in  Illinois  and  Ohio.     He  might  have  been  allowed  to 

3Indianapolis  Sentinel,  May  31,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  June  3,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

*Terrell,  Report,  I,  129,  131-34;  Report  of  Major-General  Love,  of  the 
Indiana  Legion,  1861-62  (Indianapolis,  1863),  pp.  6-7,  55,  57,  59;  Morton, 
Telegraphic  Correspondence,  February  5-June  10,  1862,  pp.  278,  290;  ibid., 
June  ir-July  31,  1862,  pp.  84-107  passim,  142;  Madison  Courier  (daily), 
May  29,  June  7,  June  14,  July  7,  July  14,  1862;  Indianapolis  Journal,  June  18, 
1862,  p.  3,  c.  1;  July  4,  p.  3,  c.  4;  July  14,  p.  3,  c.  5  ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
July  18,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  3. 

'Ibid.,  July  6,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book 
No.  1,  p.  348. 


do  this  had  not  the  plans  for  a  general  exchange  intervened.6 
Under  Colonel  Rose,  a  cold  militarism  gradually  sup- 
planted the  paternalistic  camp  administration  which  had  been 
cultivated  by  Owen.  Some  of  the  prisoners  disliked  the  new 
commandant  intensely,  and  in  after  years  had  a  tendency  to 
attribute  to  Owen's  regime  any  pleasant  occurrence  at  Camp 
Morton.  For  example,  the  following  incident,  which,  if  it 
happened  at  all,  happened  after  Rose  took  charge,  was  related 
in  the  Confederate  Veteran  as  evidence  of  Owen's  magna- 
nimity. On  July  3,  1862,  a  canard  spread  through  central 
Indiana  that  McClellan  had  gained  a  great  victory,  that  Lee's 
army  was  routed,  and  that  Federal  troops  were  in  possession 
of  Richmond.  There  was  great  rejoicing  in  Indianapolis — il- 
luminations, speechmaking,  and  vociferous  cheering.  The 
prisoners  were  well  aware  of  the  celebration.  Next  day  the 
truth  came  out — Richmond  was  still  in  Confederate  hands,  and 
McClellan  had  fallen  back.  That  night  all  the  little  candle 
ends  in  camp — prisoners  were  allowed  to  use  them  until  taps — 
twinkled  from  stumps  of  trees  and  every  conspicuous  spot  in 
the  enclosure.  But  there  was  no  speechmaking  or  cheering, 
and  voices  were  kept  down  to  the  level  of  a  whisper.  When 
taps  was  sounded,  every  light  was  extinguished  promptly. 
Some  good  citizens  protested  at  this  unrepentant  display,  but 
the  Commandant  in  this  instance  upheld  the  prisoners.7 

Rose  wished  to  take  under  advisement  with  Colonel  Hoff- 
man some  special  cases  among  the  prisoners,  and  also  the 
handling  of  the  prisoners'  fund.  He  wrote  to  Hoffman  on 
July  4,  asking  him  to  visit  the  camp.8  Hoffman's  headquarters 
had  by  this  time  been  transferred  to  Detroit,  and  he  had  been 
given  full  supervision  of  prisoners  of  war  sent  by  generals  in 
the  field  to  prison  camps.9     On  the  seventh  of  July  he  issued 

"Morton,  Telegraphic  Correspondence,  June  11-July  31,  1862,  pp.  52,  58, 
64.    ^ 

7Evander  Shapard,  "Recollections  of  Camp  Morton,"  in  Confederate 
Veteran,  VIII,  211  (May,  1900)  ;  ibid.,  XIV,  394  (September,  1906)  ;  XV, 
203  (May,  1907)  ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  July  3,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  5 ;  July  4,  p.  3, 
c.  5. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  126. 

9He  was  expected  to  visit  the  camps  once  a  month,  if  practicable.  General 
Orders  No.  67,  July  17,  1862,  ibid.,  IV,  30. 


a  set  of  regulations  to  all  prison  camp  commandants,  which  is 
interesting  in  comparison  with  the  rules  formulated  by  Owen.10 

"The  following  regulations  will  be  observed  at  all  stations 
where  prisoners  of  war  are  held : 

"i.  The  commanding  officer  at  each  station  is  held  ac- 
countable for  the  discipline  and  good  order  of  his  command 
and  for  the  security  of  the  prisoners,  and  will  take  such 
measures  as  will  best  secure  these  results.  He  will  divide  the 
prisoners  into  companies,  and  will  cause  written  reports  to  be 
made  to  him  of  their  condition  every  morning  showing  the 
changes  made  during  the  preceding  twenty-four  hours,  giving 
the  names  of  the  'joined,'  'transferred,'  'deaths,'  &c.  At  the 
end  of  every  month  commanders  will  send  to  the  commissary- 
general  of  prisoners  a  return  of  prisoners,  giving  names  and 
details  to  explain  alterations.  Where  rolls  of  'joined'  or 
'transferred'  have  been  forwarded  during  the  month  it  will  be 
sufficient  to  refer  to  them  on  the  return. 

"2.  On  the  arrival  of  prisoners  at  any  station  a  careful 
comparison  of  them  with  the  rolls  that  accompany  them  will 
be  made  and  all  errors  on  the  rolls  will  be  corrected.  When  no 
roll  accompanies  the  prisoners  one  will  be  immediately  made 
out  containing  all  the  information  required  as  correct  as  can 
be  from  the  statements  of  the  prisoners  themselves.  When 
the  prisoners  are  citizens  the  town,  county,  and  State  from 
which  they  come  will  be  given  on  the  rolls  under  the  heads, 
rank,  regiment  and  company.  At  the  same  time  they  will  be 
required  to  give  up  all  arms  and  weapons  of  every  description 
and  all  moneys  which  they  have  in  their  possession,  for  which 
the  commanding  officer  will  give  receipts. 

"3.  The  hospital  will  be  under  the  immediate  charge  of 
the  senior  surgeon  who  will  be  held  responsible  to  the  com- 
manding officer  for  its  good  order  and  the  condition  of  the 
sick.  'The  fund'  of  this  hospital  will  be  kept  separate  from 
the  fund  of  the  hospital  for  the  troops  and  will  be  disbursed 
for  the  sole  benefit  of  the  sick  prisoners  on  the  requisition  of 
the  surgeon  approved  by  the  commanding  officer.  When  the 
fund  is  sufficiently  large  there  will  be  bought  with  it  besides 

10Ibid.}  IV,  152-53. 


the  articles  usually  purchased  all  articles  of  table  furniture, 
kitchen  utensils,  articles  for  policing,  shirts  and  drawers  for 
the  sick,  the  expense  of  washing,  and  all  articles  that  may  be 
indispensably  necessary  to  promote  the  sanitary  condition 
of  the  hospital. 

"4.  The  commanding  officer  will  cause  requisitions  to  be 
made  by  his  quartermaster  on  the  nearest  depot  for  such  cloth- 
ing as  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  the  prisoners,  which 
requisition  will  be  approved  by  him  after  a  careful  inquiry  as 
to  the  necessity  and  submitted  for  the  approval  of  the  commis- 
sary-general of  prisoners.  The  clothing  will  be  issued  by  the 
quartermaster  to  the  prisoners  with  the  assistance  and  under 
the  supervision  of  an  officer  detailed  for  the  purpose,  whose 
certificate  that  the  issue  has  been  made  in  his  presence  will  be 
the  quartermaster's  voucher  for  the  clothing  issued.  From 
the  30th  of  April  to  the  1st  of  October  neither  drawers  nor 
socks  will  be  allowed  except  to  the  sick. 

"5.  A  general  fund  for  the  benefit  of  the  prisoners  will 
be  made  by  withholding  from  their  rations  all  that  can  be 
spared  without  inconvenience  to  them,  and  selling  this  surplus 
under  existing  regulations  to  the  commissary,  who  will  hold 
the  funds  in  his  hands  and  be  accountable  for  them  subject 
to  the  commanding  officer's  order  to  cover  purchases.  The 
purchases  with  the  fund  will  be  made  by  or  through  the  quarter- 
master with  the  approval  or  order  of  the  commanding  officer, 
the  bills  being  paid  by  the  commissary,  who  will  keep  an  account 
book  in  which  will  be  carefully  entered  all  receipts  and  pay- 
ments with  the  vouchers ;  and  he  will  keep  the  commanding 
officer  advised  from  time  to  time  of  the  amount  of  this  fund. 
x\t  the  end  of  the  month  he  will  furnish  the  commanding 
officer  with  an  account  of  the  fund  for  the  month  showing 
the  receipts  and  disbursements,  which  account  will  be  for- 
warded to  the  commissary-general  of  prisoners  with  the 
remarks  of  the  commanding  officer.  With  this  fund  will  be 
purchased  all  such  articles  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  health 
and  comfort  of  the  prisoners  and  which  would  otherwise  have 
to  be  purchased  by  the  Government.  Among  these  articles  are 
all  table  furniture  and  cooking  utensils,  articles  for  policing 
purposes,  bedticks  and  straw,  the  means  of  improving  or  en- 


larging  the  barrack  accommodations,  extra  pay  to  clerks  who 
have  charge  of  the  camp  post-office,  and  who  keep  the  ac- 
counts of  moneys  deposited  with  the  commanding  offi- 
cer, &c,  &c. 

"6,  The  sutler  is  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  com- 
manding officer  who  will  see  that  he  furnishes  proper  articles, 
and  at  reasonable  rates.  For  his  privilege  the  sutler  will  be 
taxed  a  small  amount  by  the  commanding  officer  according  to 
the  amount  of  his  trade,  which  tax  will  make  a  part  of 
the  general  fund. 

"7.  Prisoners  will  not  be  permitted  to  hold  or  receive 
money.  All  moneys  in  possession  or  received  will  be  taken 
charge  of  by  the  commanding  officer  who  will  give  receipts 
for  it  to  those  to  whom  it  belongs.  They  will  purchase  from 
the  sutler  such  articles  as  they  may  wish,  which  are  not  pro- 
hibited, and  on  the  bill  of  the  articles  they  will  give  an  order 
on  the  commanding  officer  for  the  amount,  and  this  will  be 
kept  as  a  voucher  with  the  individual's  account.  The  com- 
manding officer  will  keep  a  book  in  which  the  accounts  of  all 
those  who  have  money  deposited  with  him  will  be  kept,  and 
this  book  with  the  vouchers  must  be  always  ready  for  the 
inspection  of  the  commissary-general  of  prisoners. 

"8.  All  articles  contributed  by  friends  for  the  prisoners 
in  whatever  shape  they  come  if  proper  to  be  received  will  be 
carefully  distributed  as  the  donors  may  request ;  such  articles 
as  are  intended  for  the  sick  passing  through  the  hands  of  the 
surgeon  who  will  be  responsible  for  their  proper  use.  Contri- 
butions must  be  received  by  an  officer  who  must  be  held 
responsible  that  they  are  delivered  to  the  persons  for  whom 
they  are  intended. 

"9.  Visitors  to  these  stations  out  of  mere  curiosity  will 
in  no  case  be  permitted.  Persons  having  business  with  the 
commanding  officer  or  quartermaster  may  with  the  permis- 
sion of  the  commanding  officer  enter  the  camp  to  remain  only 
long  enough  to  transact  their  business.  When  prisoners  are 
seriously  ill  their  nearest  relatives,  parents,  wives,  brothers  or 
sisters  if  they  are  loyal  people  may  be  permitted  to  make  them 
short  visits ;  but  under  no  other  circumstances  will  visitors  be 


allowed  to  see  them  without  the  approval  of  the  commissary- 
general  of  prisoners. 

"10.  Prisoners  will  not  be  permitted  to  write  letters  of 
more  than  one  page  of  common  letter  paper,  the  matter  to  be 
strictly  of  a  private  nature,  or  the  letter  must  be  destroyed. 

"n.  Prisoners  will  be  paroled  or  released  only  by  the 
authority  of  the  War  Department,  or  by  direction  of  the 
commissary-general  of  prisoners." 

In  Rule  5,  Rose  found  the  answer  to  his  uncertainties  about 
the  handling  of  the  prisoners'  fund.  It  did  away  with  the  self- 
constituted  council  at  Camp  Morton  which  had  heretofore 
ordered  expenditures,  and  to  which  Quartermaster  Ekin  had 
objected;  responsibility  was  now  concentrated  in  the  hands  of 
Ekin  and  the  commandant.  After  a  visit  to  the  camp,  Hoff- 
man gave  Rose  further  explicit  directions.  The  post  quarter- 
master and  commissary,  Lieutenant  Lupton,  was  to  make  no 
purchases  himself.  As  treasurer  of  the  fund,  he  was  to  pay 
only  bills  made  in  Captain  Ekin's  name,  and  approved  by  Rose. 
Certain  post  expenditures  were  criticized — too  much  for  post- 
age and  tobacco,  and  not  enough  for  vegetables;  improper 
payments  in  connection  with  the  pursuit  of  escaped  prisoners; 
too  much  pay  to  employees  at  the  camp ;  the  engagement  of  a 
civilian  as  paymaster  at  fifty  dollars  a  month.  The  necessity 
of  keeping  the  accounts  and  rolls  up-to-date  was  empha- 
sized once  more.11 

Toward  the  middle  of  July  a  stampede  among  the  prisoners 
startled  the  town.  First  rumors  had  it  that  a  hundred  prisoners 
had  escaped  and  fifteen  or  twenty  had  been  killed;  Captain 
Ekin  telegraphed  Secretary  Stanton  that  fifty  had  escaped;  but 
the  Journal,  after  investigating  at  Camp  Morton  and  the  hospi- 
tals, set  the  number  at  about  twenty-five.  The  removal  of 
one  of  the  more  experienced  guard  regiments  and  the  stormy, 
rainy  night  of  July  14  gave  the  prisoners  as  good  a  chance  for 
escape  as  they  could  ever  hope  for.  Prying  loose  the  posts  at 
the  northeast  corner  of  the  enclosure,  they  rushed  the  fence  and 
forced  a  few  panels.  The  guards,  alarmed  by  the  commotion, 
beat  the  long  roll,  and  Colonel  Rose  hastily  ordered  out  all 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  240-41. 


available  men  in  three  pursuit  parties,  one  along  the  pike  to  the 
left,  one  to  the  right,  and  one  to  sweep  the  area  between. 
Thirteen  of  the  fleeing  men,  two  of  them  wounded,  were 
captured  within  twenty-four  hours ;  one  poor  soul  got  "tired 
of  walking"  and  surrendered  to  a  conductor  on  the  Terre 
Haute  line;  all  the  rest  but  one  were  brought  back  to  the 
camp  by  July  18.12 

In  spite  of  the  stringent  orders  to  prevent  prisoners  from 
approaching  the  walls,  some  of  the  more  desperate  men  in  the 
camp  continued  to  take  chances  by  obeying  orders  tardily  or 
not  at  all.  On  July  24  one  of  this  group  was  wounded  by  a 
guard  who  had  apparently  given  the  required  three  warnings 
and  then  fired.  The  case  was  reviewed  by  a  court  of  inquiry, 
and  the  guard's  action  sustained13 

Disturbing  to  the  morale  of  the  camp  as  these  occurrences 
were,  their  effect  was  minimized  by  the  great  excitement  fol- 
lowing rumors  of  a  general  exchange  of  prisoners.14  The 
subject  had  been  under  discussion  between  Union  and  Confed- 
erate officials  for  months,  but  a  cartel  of  exchange  was  not 
signed  until  July  22. 15  Even  after  the  signing,  the  success  of 
negotiations  was  threatened  in  various  ways.  For  example, 
Governor  John  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  infuriated  by  General 
Pope's  order  for  the  removal  of  disloyal  citizens  from  their 
lands  in  the  rear  of  his  lines,  claimed  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment of  the  Confederacy  the  right  to  try  Union  officers  cap- 
tured in  Virginia  in  the  state  courts,  on  charges  of  treason 
and  inciting  slaves  to  insurrection.16  The  actual  exchange  did 
not  take  place  until  late  in  August. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  July  16,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  July  17,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  July 
18,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  July  16,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  July  18,  p.  3,  c.  1 ; 
Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  225. 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  July  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
July  26,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  3. 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  June  17,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

15Hesseltine,  Civil  War  Prisons,  17-33- 

wIbid.,  71,  74,  89;  Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  781,  828-29,  849-50, 
875-76;  V,  147-48,  212,  222,  223,  286,  358.  It  was  not  until  March,  1863, 
that  the  Virginia  legislature  overruled  the  Governor  and  transferred  to  the 
Confederate  Government  the  whole  problem  of  prisoners.  See  also  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  August  15,  1862,  p.  2,  c.  1 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  16, 
1862,  p.  2,  c.  I. 


All  through  the  months  of  June  and  July  Camp  Morton 
buzzed  with  surmises  as  to  where  and  when  the  exchange  would 
take  place.  Another  question  was  raised  by  some  of  the 
prisoners.  What  would  happen  if  a  man  didn't  want  to  be 
exchanged?  Some  men  felt  that  they  had  made  a  mistake  in 
enlisting;  some  were  influenced  by  the  fact  that  in  the  North 
good  labor  was  in  demand  and  wages  were  high ;  others,  whom 
public  opinion  had  forced  into  service,  dreaded  the  thought  of 
an  exchange  which  would  make  them  liable  for  further  service. 

This  attitude  was  particularly  strong  among  the  Tennes- 
seans.  Owen,  a  few  days  before  his  departure,  wrote  to 
Ekin  :17  "After  the  reception  at  Camp  Morton  of  a  letter 
addressed  by  the  War  Department  to  a  prisoner  named 
Williams,  indicating  that  negotiations  were  pending  for  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  many  persons  individually  &  also  as 
delegates  from  whole  companies,  especially  of  Tennesseans, 
stated  verbally  &  also  in  writing,  that  they  should  not  like  to 
be  exchanged.  Some  of  them  said  they  would  rather  remain 
in  Camp  Morton  than  be  exchanged;  others  enquired  if  there 
was  no  mode  whatever  by  which  they  could  hope  to  see  their 
homes  again  except  by  being  forced  into  the  southern  army 
again,  which  they  earnestly  desired  to  avoid. 

"Judging  from  all  I  have  seen  and  heard  since  the  20th 
day  of  Feb.  /62  when  I  took  charge  of  the  prisoners  of  war  at 
Camp  Morton,  I  think  I  am  justified  in  the  belief  that  at  least 
two  thirds  of  the  men  from  Tennessee  .  .  .  would  regret  any 
circumstances  which  induced  or  compelled  them  again  to  take 
up  arms  against  the  Union." 

Ekin  transmitted  Owen's  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
with  his  own  endorsement  of  the  views  expressed.  Assurance 
came  back  from  Washington  that  when  a  system  of  exchange 
had  been  established,  no  prisoners  whose  loyalty  to  the  Union 
was  unquestioned  would  be  "forced  within  the  rebel  lines.''18 
On  August  2,  Ekin  addressed  Stanton  again,  asking  what  rule 

"Letter  of  June  17,  1862,  enclosed  with  Ekin's  letter  of  the  same  date 
to  Secretary  of  War  Stanton.  Photostat  in  Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State 

18C.  P.  Wolcott  to  Owen,  June  21,  1862,  Official  Records,  2  series,  IV, 
48.    See  also  ibid,,  IV,  328. 


was  to  be  adopted  in  the  case  of  the  prisoners  at  Camp  Morton 
who  wanted  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.19 

Most  of  Tennessee  was  at  this  time  in  Union  hands,  and 
a  temporary  government  had  been  set  up  with  Andrew  Johnson 
as  military  governor.  He  was  asked  by  the  War  Department 
for  suggestions  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  Tennesseans  at 
Camp  Morton,  and  proposed  that  a  commissioner  be  sent  to 
examine  all  Tennesseans  in  northern  prison  camps.  Those 
willing  to  take  the  oath  and  meaning  it,  would  be  released; 
those  unwilling  to  comply  or  whose  motives  were  questionable 
would  be  held  for  exchange  or  continued  confinement.20 

Johnson's  plan  was  carried  out.  Former  Governor  Wil- 
liam B.  Campbell,  the  commissioner  appointed,  reached 
Indianapolis  on  the  thirteenth  of  August  and  began  his  exam- 
ination of  the  prisoners.21  The  camp  was  in  a  turmoil. 
Prisoners  wishing  to  take  the  oath  were  marched  outside  the 
enclosure  for  the  ceremony.  According  to  the  Sentinel,22  those 
inside  "hooted,  yelled,  threw  stones,  old  shoes,  and  every  mis- 
sile they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  at  the  peaceably-disposed. 
Col.  Rose  had  patrols  placed  over  the  ground  to  keep  order,  and 
was  obliged  to  threaten  the  free  use  of  powder  and  ball.  One 
prisoner  insisted  upon  mounting  the  fence.  The  guard  outside 
ordered  him  down.  He  would  not  get  down.  The  guard  then 
fired  over  his  head.  At  this  the  man  only  evinced  the  greater 
determination  to  keep  his  head  above  the  fence.  The 
guard  then  deliberately  fired  at  him.  The  ball  passed 
through  the  ear  of  the  man  aimed  at,  and  struck  one  on  the 
inside,  some  fifty  or  one  hundred  yards  away,  in  the  forehead, 
killing  him  instantly." 

19Ibid.,  IV,  331.  See  also  Hoffman  to  General  Thomas,  July  15,  1862, 
ibid.,  IV,  223. 

20Ibid.,  IV,  328,  333.  Johnson  had  had  the  matter  under  consideration  for 
some  time.  In  April,  Tennessee  prisoners  at  Camp  Douglas  had  appealed  to 
him  to  use  his  influence  with  the  Federal  Government  to  secure  their  release 
upon  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance.  At  that  time  Johnson  wrote  to  Secretary 
Stanton  that  he  thought  the  reappearance  of  the  prisoners  among  their  friends 
and  relatives  would  "exert  a  great  moral  influence  in  favor  of  the  perpetuity 
of  the  Union."    Ibid.,  Ill,  457-58,  643. 

"Ibid.,  IV,  362,  387. 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  16,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1,  2;  Indianapolis 
Journal,  August  16,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 


Although  order  was  restored  without  further  bloodshed, 
Ekin  telegraphed  for  permission  to  remove  the  Union  sym- 
pathizers, because  the  feelings  of  the  other  prisoners  were  so 
bitter  toward  them.  He  was  instructed  to  hold  them  until 
Adjutant  General  Thomas  should  arrive  with  instructions.  On 
the  twentieth  Thomas  and  Colonel  Hoffman  both  reached 
Indianapolis,  where  they  interviewed  Governor  Morton  and 
Campbell,  and  it  was  arranged  that  the  prisoners  from  Ten- 
nessee who  had  taken  the  oath  should  be  released  and  furnished 
transportation  to  Nashville.  Most  of  them  left  Indianapolis 
on  August  22,  six  months  almost  to  the  day  from  their  entry 
to  Camp  Morton.  Over  three  hundred  had  taken  the  oath 
of  allegiance.23 

During  his  visit,  General  Thomas  made  a  thorough  exam- 
ination of  Camp  Morton,  and  of  the  other  camps  and  the 
arsenal.  The  administration  of  the  Camp  Morton  quarter- 
master's and  commissary  departments  he  complimented  as  the 
best  seen  in  any  prison  camp.24  Thomas'  principal  concern  was 
the  completion  of  arrangements  for  exchange,  which  he  worked 
out  with  Hoffman  and  the  camp  authorities.  There  was  the 
question  of  guards.  By  this  time  two-thirds  of  the  force  at 
the  camp  were  thirty-day  men,  whose  time  of  service  had  ex- 
pired on  August  17.  Willing  to  do  their  share  in  the  emer- 
gency, most  of  these  men  agreed  to  remain  until  the  exchange 
had  been  completed.25 

Rolls  of  all  prisoners,  including  those  on  parole,  had  already 
been  made  up  under  an  order  issued  by  Hoffman  to  camp  com- 
mandants on  July  3 1.26  Hoffman  had  never  ceased  exhorting 
his  subordinates  to  keep  their  records  straight,  but  now  every 
slip,  every  omission,  every  error  that  had  been  made  was  vitally 
important  to  some  prisoner.  A  man  could  not  be  exchanged  if 
his  name  did  not  show  on  both  Union  and  Confederate  tallies. 
If  he  had  enlisted  under  a  false  name  and  forgotten  his 
pseudonym  or  if  his  name  had  been  struck  off  the  rolls  by 

'"Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  396,  397,  410,  413-M,  422.    Indianapolis 
Journal,  August  22,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  August  23,  p.  3,  c.  1. 
"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  22,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 
^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  331,  361,  375. 
"Ibid.,  IV,  318-19. 


mischance,  he  was  liable  to  be  classed  with  the  guerilla 
prisoners,  who  were  recognized  by  neither  government  and 
were  not  subject  to  exchange.27 

Death  rolls  were  neither  complete  nor  accurate,  and  some 
guerillas  managed  to  be  exchanged  by  answering  to  the  names 
of  dead  men  from  organized  regiments.28  In  spite  of  the  care 
exercised  slip-ups  did  occur,  some  too  ludicrous  to  be  received 
as  sober  fact.  For  example,  there  was  the  famous  case,  not 
connected  with  Camp  Morton,  of  Lieutenant  J.  W.  Adams, 
who  was  exchanged  three  times,  all  without  his  knowledge  and 
while  he  was  flat  on  his  back  in  a  hospital  at  West  Point.29 

Final  orders  for  the  removal  of  the  prisoners  were  issued 
on  August  22.  Captain  H.  M.  Lazelle,  Eighth  United  States 
Infantry,  was  made  agent  for  their  delivery  at  Vicksburg; 
Captain  H.  W.  Freedley,  Third  United  States  Infantry, 
superintended  their  departure  from  Camp  Morton.  To 
Lazelle,  Hoffman  wrote  :30 

"The  prisoners  of  war  at  Camp  Morton  will  be  forwarded 
to  Cairo  by  rail  and  thence  on  steamers  to  Vicksburg  under  a 
flag  of  truce.  They  will  leave  in  three  detachments — the 
first  to-morrow  evening.  .    .    . 

"Each  party  will  take  with  them  rations  for  the  day  on 
which  they  will  leave.  .   .   . 

"A  guard  of  one  company  will  be  provided  by  the  com- 
mander of  Camp  Morton  to  accompany  each  party.  The  three 
parties  will  be  assembled  at  Cairo  whence  they  will  leave  at  the 
same  time  on  steamboats  under  convoy,  the  whole  being 
under  your  orders. 

"The  commanding  officer  at  Cairo  has  been  instructed  to 
furnish  all  things  that  may  be  necessary  for  the  movement. 

"All  moneys  belonging  to  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  Colonel 
Rose  will  be  turned  over  to  you  with  a  detailed  account 
of  the  amount  due  each  person,  and  the  amount  will  be 
given  to  the  prisoners  by  you  when  they  are  turned  over  to 
the  Confederate  agent. 

"Ibid.,  IV,  437- 
"Ibid.,  IV,  545- 
"Ibid.,  IV,  474- 
"Ibid.,  IV,  420-21. 


"You  will  be  furnished  with  duplicate  rolls  of  all  prisoners 
to  be  exchanged,  and  when  they  are  delivered  to  the  agent  of 
the  Confederate  States  you  will  take  his  receipt  on  both  rolls 
for  all  prisoners  present,  one  of  the  rolls  being  left  in  his 
hands  and  the  other  you  will  forward  to  the  Adjutant 
General  at  Washington." 

Freedley  received  some  additional  instructions.31  Guerilla 
prisoners  and  political  prisoners  were  to  be  sent  to  the  depot  at 
Sandusky.  The  account  of  the  prisoners'  fund  was  to  be  made 
up  as  soon  as  possible  and  sent  to  Hoffman  at  Detroit.  To 
help  in  this  business,  Hoffman  allowed  the  retention  of 
prisoners  of  war  who  were  acting  as  clerks  in  the  quarter- 
master's department,  with  the  understanding  that  they  be  sent 
to  Cairo  before  September  15. 

Twelve  hundred  thirty-eight  prisoners  left  Indianapolis  on 
Saturday,  August  23,  departing  as  they  had  arrived,  among  a 
crowd  of  interested  spectators ;  773  more  left  for  Cairo  on 
Sunday,  333  for  Sandusky  on  Monday,  and  990  for  Cairo  on 
Wednesday.  One  lot  of  prisoners,  probably  about  six  hundred, 
was  scheduled  to  leave  for  Cairo  Thursday.32  Safely  south- 
bound from  Cairo  on  the  gunboat  "Lexington,"  the  prisoners 
began  to  worry  about  the  arms  which  had  been  taken  from 
them  at  Camp  Morton  and,  to  the  probable  confusion  of  Cap- 
tain Lazelle,  produced  a  receipt  for  them  from  the  camp  com- 
mandant. It  is  probable  that  they  did  receive  their  worn  and 
blunted  knives,  but  their  pistols  were  lost  to  them  forever. 
Orders  directing  the  return  of  "side  arms"  to  the  Fort 
Donelson  prisoners  upon  their  arrival  at  Vicksburg  had  ex- 
pressly excluded  that  weapon.33  There  remained  at  Camp 
Morton  a  few  men  whose  names  did  not  appear  on  any 
rolls — among  them  a  group  of  26  from  Kentucky  who  had 
just  arrived — and  in  the  City  Hospital,  another  group  of  the 
sick  and  their  nurses,  107  in  number.    The  greater  part  of  the 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  421. 

32Ibid.,  IV,  436-37,  460-61  ;  Indianapolis  Journal,  August  25,  1862, 
p.  3,  c.  2;  August  28,  p.  3,  c.  2;  August  29,  p.  3,  c.  3;  September  1, 
p.  3,  c.  3;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  August  27, 
p.  3,  c.  1. 

330fficial  Records,  2  series,  IV,  365,  464,  521. 



convalescents  were  discharged  in  the  first  week  of  September.34 
The  actual  exchange  of  prisoners  at  Vicksburg  was  in 
charge  of  two  field  officers,  one  Union,  one  Confederate. 
These  officers  had  the  right  to  refuse  to  accept  any  man  whose 
organization  they  did  not  recognize,  or  any  man  whom  they 
knew  to  be  a  criminal  with  warrants  out  against  him.  The 
following  table  of  equivalents  had  been  agreed  upon  in  the 
cartel  drawn  up  by  General  John  A.  Dix  of  the  Union  Army 
and  General  Daniel  H.  Hill,  for  the  Confederacy:35 

Commander  in  Chief 
or  Admiral 

Flag  officer  or 
Major  General 

Commodore  or  Brig- 
adier General 

Navy  Captain  or 

Commander  or 
Lieut.  Col. 

Lieut.  Commander 
or  Major 

Navy  Lieut,  or 
Army  Captain 

Master's  Mate  or 
Army  Lieut,  or 

Midshipman,  navy 
warrant  officer, 
master  of  mer- 
chant vessel,  or 
commander  of  pri- 

All  petty  officers 
or  noncoms. 

for  officer  or 

of  equal  rank 

60  privates  or 

common  seamen 






The  men  to  be  exchanged  stood  in  two  lines,  Indian  file,  the 
line  of  Confederates  headed  south,  the  Federal  men  headed 
north.  This  apparently  childish  arrangement  added  a  great 
deal  to  the  moral  effect  of  the  exchange.     At  a  certain  spot 

uIbid.,  IV,  461  ;    Indianapolis  Journal,   September  3,    1862,   p.   3, 
Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  p.  479. 
^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  266-67. 

c.   2 


some  distance  from  any  building,  ditch,  or  tree,  two  captains, 
one  Union,  the  other  Confederate,  stood  facing  each  other. 
Ten  feet  away  stood  another  pair  of  captains.  The  Union 
men  moved  north  between  one  pair  of  captains,  the  Confed- 
erates moved  south  between  the  other  pair.  As  each  prisoner 
passed  between  the  officers,  each  captain  struck  him  lightly 
on  the  shoulder,  counting  audibly — one,  two,  three,  and  so 
on.  Each  captain  had  to  have  the  table  of  exchange  clearly 
in  mind,  and  watch  for  the  insignia  of  rank.  After  the  count 
of  "fifty"  the  lines  halted.  A  sergeant's  guard  from  each  side 
stood  by  to  see  to  it  that  the  fifty  men  who  had  just  been 
counted  stood  in  the  line  until  the  count  had  been  verified,  and 
that  the  fifty  men  in  each  line  were  agreed  upon  by  the  two 
captains  in  each  case.  The  trouble  came,  of  course,  from  the 
fact  that  there  were  not  always  fifty  men  in  the  line,  but  the 
equivalent  of  the  number,  according  to  the  table  adopted. 

When  both  lines  had  been  checked,  the  men  could  break 
rank  and  join  their  friends,  but  these  groups  had  to  be  un- 
armed, and  were  not  permitted  to  approach  within  one  hundred 
feet  of  the  four  officers  who  did  the  counting.  The  counting 
was  a  slow  and  tiresome  process,  since  many  of  the  men  were 
ill  and  had  to  be  helped.  Many  of  them  were  overcome  with 
emotion ;  some  fainted  from  exhaustion.  Everyone  was  eager 
to  get  the  matter  over  with  and  everything  possible  was  done 
to  expedite  the  exchange.36 

Following  the  actual  exchange,  each  government  took 
charge  of  its  own  reclaimed  men.  After  a  physical  examina- 
tion, those  who  were  fit  were  returned  to  their  own  outfits  or 
assigned  to  others.  Those  whose  health  was  impaired  were 
sent  home  on  furlough  or  discharged.  Some  who  were  not 
equal  to  duty  in  the  field  were  put  to  such  lighter  work  as 
orderly  service  or  guard  duty  in  public  buildings.  Their 
main  requirements  were  plenty  of  sleep  and  shelter 
from  bad  weather.  Many  of  this  class  eventually  made 
a  complete  recovery. 

^From  a  verbal  account  given  by  the  late  Captain  and  Assistant  Adjutant 
General  E.  Lewis  Moore,  Seventh  Connecticut  Volunteers,  who  served  as 
an  official  several  times  during  exchange. 


The  closing  of  prison  camp  records  at  Camp  Morton  fell  to 
Captain  Freedley.  Any  part  of  the  prisoners'  fund  remaining 
on  hand  was  to  be  turned  over  to  Captain  Thomas  Foster,  Jr., 
commissary  of  subsistence  at  Indianapolis.  Sums  of  money 
belonging  to  prisoners  and  uncalled  for  at  their  departure  were 
to  be  turned  over  to  Hoffman,  with  a  list  of  the  owners.  The 
rolls  for  the  last  two  months  and  a  half  had  to  be  checked 
and  put  in  order.  All  this  done,  the  records  of  the  camp  were 
to  be  safely  boxed  and  put  into  the  hands  of  Captain  Ekin.37 

By  the  first  of  September,  1862,  Camp  Morton  had  been 
cleared  of  rebel  prisoners.  It  was  in  bad  shape,  and  an  im- 
mediate "renovation  and  purification"  was  begun  by  companies 
from  the  Fifth  Cavalry.  They  had  instructions  to  put  the 
quarters  into  shape  and  build  new  bunks,38  but  before  much 
work  could  be  done,  accommodations  were  required  for  troops 
in  training  and  for  Indiana  volunteers  who  had  been  captured 
at  Richmond,  Kentucky,  on  August  30,  and  sent  home  on 
parole.  On  Saturday  morning,  September  6,  the  State  House 
grove  was  crowded  with  men  from  the  Twelfth,  Sixteenth,  and 
Fifty-fifth  Indiana  Regiments,  the  first  arrivals.  After  some 
delay  they  were  organized  as  far  as  possible  into  their  regular 
companies,  and  marched  out  to  Camp  Morton.39  Several 
thousand  more  Indiana  troops,  including  Colonel  Owen  and 
part  of  the  Sixtieth,  were  paroled  at  Munfordville,  Kentucky, 
on  September  17.  They  were  not  allowed  to  take  their  way 
northward  through  the  Confederate  lines,  but  sent  southward 
with  four  days  rations,  to  reach  the  Union  forces  under  Buell 
at  Bowling  Green  and  then  make  their  way  to  Louisville. 
From  there  some  of  them  were  sent  to  Indianapolis.40 

The  War  Department  had  set  up  camps  of  instruction  for 
paroled  prisoners,  one  at  Annapolis,  one  at  Camp  Chase,  one 
in  Missouri.  Indiana  prisoners  were  scheduled  to  go  to  Camp 
Chase.  Morton  combated  this  arrangement  with  his  usual 
extraordinary  vigor,  for  parolees  there  were  said  to  be  badly 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  567. 

38Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  26,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  September  4,  p.  3,  c. 
1 ;  Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  p.  477. 
39Indianapolis  Journal,  September  8,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 
^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  701. 


demoralized — insubordinate,  indifferent,  and  disinclined  to 
make  any  effort  to  fit  themselves  for  further  service.41  The 
Governor  had  no  intention  of  allowing  the  same  thing  to  hap- 
pen to  six  thousand  Indianans.  He  was  determined  to  keep 
them  in  their  own  state,  maintain  discipline,  and  give  them 
intensive  training  toward  the  time  when  exchange  would  make 
them  available  in  the  field.42 

Two  things  worked  in  Morton's  favor.  First,  the  com- 
mandant at  Camp  Chase  begged  that  no  more  paroled  prisoners 
be  sent  there.43  Second,  a  twenty-day  furlough  was  granted  to 
officers  and  men  of  several  of  the  captured  Indiana  regi- 
ments.44 They  were  ordered  to  report  at  Camp  Chase  on 
October  21,  but  Morton  was  rightly  confident  that  he  could 
keep  them  in  Indiana. 

Apparently  the  Twelfth  and  Sixteenth  Regiments  remained 
at  Camp  Morton,  which  was  put  in  charge  of  Colonel  John  R. 
Mahan.45  The  Fifty-fifth  was  mustered  out  toward  the  middle 
of  September  when  its  term  of  enlistment  expired.  Parts  of 
other  paroled  regiments  may  have  remained,  and  at  least  one 
regiment  of  recruits  (the  One  Hundredth)  was  in  training 
during  September  and  October. 

Letters  written  by  the  young  adjutant  of  the  One 
Hundredth  Regiment  give  some  idea  of  how  the  camp  appeared 
to  a  recruit.46  His  regiment  found  it  "in  a  very  filthy  condi- 
tion," and  had  "lots  of  work  to  do  to  set  things  right,"  but  in 
spite  of  cold  nights,  quarters  with  three  others  in  a  "very  small 
and  leaky  shanty,"  and  "none  too  much  to  eat,"  he  liked  the 
life  "very  well,"  and  considered  the  men  "happy  and  con- 
tented." On  September  12,  he  reported  that  about  fifteen 
hundred  paroled  prisoners  from  the  Richmond  fight  were 
expected,  and  two  weeks  later  wrote  that  times  were  lively 
with  over  three  thousand  troops  in  camp.     His  first  review, 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  94,  519,  546,  569-71,  594,  644-45. 

i2Ibid.,  IV,  522,  562,  623,  638,  641  ;  Morton,  Telegraphic  Correspondence, 
September  2-September  29,  1862,  p.  314. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  563. 

"Ibid.,  IV,  5/1,5/2,  585-86,  613. 

45Indianapolis  Journal,  November  13,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

46Edward  P.  Williams,  Extracts  from  Letters  .  .  .  1862-1864  ( New  York, 
1903),  pp.  5-14.     See  also  Indianapolis  Journal,  November  13,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


which  kept  him  in  the  saddle  for  two  hours  in  the  forenoon 
and  from  one  until  six-thirty  in  the  afternoon,  left  him  "very 
tired,"  but  he  had  worn  his  full  dress  uniform,  "the  first 
occasion,"  and  considered  the  day  a  satisfactory  one. 

Nothing  really  bothered  him  except  the  Sundays.  "There 
was  preaching  this  evening,"  he  wrote  on  October  5,  "but  none 
during  the  day,  the  men  having  been  kept  busy  cleaning  up 
the  whole  grounds.  The  whole  camp  (thirty  acres)  was  swept 
thoroughly.  I  do  not  approve  of  making  the  men  do  so  much 
work  on  Sunday."  And  later:  "Am  sorry  to  say  we  know 
no  Sunday  here.  It  is  hard  work  every  day.  Never  in  all 
my  life  has  time  passed  so  rapidly  as  here." 

Late  in  the  month  three  thousand  paroled  prisoners  came 
into  camp  at  the  end  of  their  furloughs,  and  from  that  time 
there  wras  a  good  deal  of  trouble  in  holding  in  check  the  more 
rebellious  of  them.  Such  compensations  as  the  recruits  dis- 
covered in  the  hard,  driving  days  at  Camp  Morton  made 
little  appeal  to  the  paroled  men.  They  were  tired  and  their 
morale  was  low.  Having  lost  most  of  their  belongings  in 
Kentucky,  they  expected  a  fresh  issue  of  tents  and  mess  equip- 
ment, but  discovered  that  the  Government  did  not  provide  these 
things  for  paroled  soldiers. 

They  wrote  bitterly  to  the  newspapers47  that  they  had  been 
ordered  to  camp  "to  drill,  to  be  rearmed  and  reclothed  and 
await  exchange,"  but  actually  had  "barely  escaped  starving." 
Their  whole  treatment  seemed  to  be  of  a  "uniform  meanness," 
which  they  interpreted  as  punishment  for  a  capture  which  was 
not  their  fault.  It  was  a  specially  sore  point  that  the  camp  of 
the  drafted  men  was  filled  with  tents  while  they  were  left  to 
manage  as  best  they  might. 

Although  they  were  not  permitted  to  do  any  duty  which 
would  free  troops  for  active  service,  they  were  kept  busy 
guarding  and  policing  their  own  camp,  repairing  barracks  re- 
quired for  their  own  use,  drilling  seven  hours  a  day,  and  taking 
part  in  occasional  parades.48  This  strict  discipline  had  good 
results,   and   when  word   reached   Indianapolis   on    November 

4TIndianapolis  Journal,  October  2,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  4 :  October  22,  p.  3,  c.  2. 
i8OfficiaI  Records,  2  series,  IV,  653-54.     Colonel  Henry  B.  Carrington 
had  charge  of  the  training. 


17,  1862,  that  their  exchange  had  at  last  been  effected,  the 
men  were  in  excellent  condition.  It  was  a  gala  day  at  Camp 
Morton.  The  men  cheered  and  shouted,  and  welcomed  the 
Governor  with  enthusiasm  when  he  arrived  to  address  the 
regiments  one  by  one. 

Freed  for  service,  the  regiments  began  moving  to  the  field 
as  fast  as  organization  and  equipment  were  completed.  There 
were  still  enough  soldiers  in  town  to  make  a  good  showing  at 
the  Thanksgiving  Day  celebration,  but  by  December  6,  Camp 
Morton  was  almost  depopulated.49 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  IV,  700-1,  705,  707,  717,  735-36;  Indianapolis 
Journal,  November  18,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  November  27,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  December  6, 
p.  3,  c.  1. 


More  than  one  half  of  the  Fort  Donelson  prisoners  were 
in  need  of  medical  care  when  they  reached  Indianapolis 
late  in  February,  1862.  The  Mississippians  were  in  particu- 
larly bad  shape.  In  the  retreat  from  Fort  Henry  they  had  lost 
most  of  their  baggage  and  extra  clothing;  when  they  reached 
Fort  Donelson  they  were  at  once  pressed  into  work  on  the 
fortifications,  and  during  the  siege  lay  half  frozen  in  the 
ditches  and  rifle  pits  day  and  night.  Such  exposure  would 
have  been  dangerous  to  seasoned  troops;  among  these  lads, 
many  of  them  under  eighteen  years  of  age,  the  effects  were 
disastrous.  The  miserable  journey  to  Indianapolis  in  the  most 
disagreeable  month  of  the  year  exhausted  what  little  endurance 
they  had  left,  and  for  the  first  six  weeks  after  their  arrival 
hundreds  of  them  were  on  the  sick  list.1 

Hospital  quarters  in  the  old  power  hall  at  Camp  Morton 
were  totally  inadequate.  Part  of  the  small  space  was  needed 
for  guards  on  the  sick  list,  leaving  only  twenty-five  bunks  for 
prisoners.  At  the  City  Hospital  most  of  the  beds  were  already 
occupied  by  sick  and  wounded  Union  soldiers,  but  some 
emergency  cases  among  the  prisoners  were  taken  there.2 
Dr.  Patrick  H.  Jameson  treated  as  many  as  he  could  in  the 
barracks  at  camp,  with  some  assistance  from  prisoners  who 
had  a  little  medical  knowledge.  To  provide  for  the  rest, 
Adjutant  General  Noble,  Quartermaster  Ekin,  and  Dr.  John  S. 
Bobbs,  chief  surgeon,  secured  quarters  in  two  buildings  on 
Meridian  Street. 

One  of  these,  the  Gymnasium  building  on  the  northeast 
corner  of  Meridian  and  Maryland,  became  Military  Hospital 
No.  2  almost  overnight.  About  sixty  prisioners  were  moved 
in  on   the  twenty-sixth  of   February,   and   by   March   3   the 

Indianapolis  Journal,  March  4,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  3 ;  Patrick  H.  Jameson, 
Report  to  the  Adjutant  General,  June  1,  1862,  Executive  Department  file, 
109.9,  1861,  Archives  Division,  Indiana  State  Library. 

2Indianapolis  Journal,  February  28,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 



number  was  more  than  doubled.  The  Reverend  Horace 
Stringfellow,  rector  of  Christ's  Church,  seems  to  have 
superintended  the  nursing  during  the  first  few  days,  aided  by 
volunteers  from  the  men  and  women  of  Indianapolis.3 

In  this  little  interval,  good  will  sometimes  had  to  take  the 
place  of  training  and  experience.  A  story  which  went  the 
rounds  of  the  newspapers  in  the  state  illustrates  this  point,  and 
is  not  past  believing.  Its  central  figure  is  a  warmhearted 
young  lady  who  had  offered  her  services  in  the  hospital,  but 
found  herself  uncertain  as  to  how  best  to  make  herself  useful. 
At  last,  after  several  unsuccessful  attempts  to  minister  to  the 
patients,  she  seized  a  towel  and  a  basin  of  water  and  advanced 
upon  another  soldier.  "Can't  I  wash  your  feet?"  she  asked. 
The  man  opened  his  eyes  just  long  enough  to  reply  with 
resignation,  "Well,  I  don't  care  if  it  will  be  any  pleasure  to 
you,  but  they  have  already  been  washed  three  times  today." 

To  bring  some  order  out  of  the  existing  confusion, 
Dr.  William  B.  Fletcher  was  put  in  charge  of  Hospital  No.  2, 
and  Colonel  Owen  was  asked  to  send  ten  "sprightly  intelligent" 
men  from  among  the  prisoners  at  Camp  Morton  to  help  with 
the  sick.  A  few  days  later  twenty  more  were  called  for.  When 
about  half  of  them  proved  "entirely  worthless"  as  nurses, 
Adjutant  General  Noble  asked  Owen  to  supply  eight  or  ten 
healthy  Germans  or  Irishmen  if  they  could  be  found.  At  the 
same  time,  "owing  to  the  difficulty  in  properly  organizing 
and  arranging  the  Hospital,"  he  issued  an  order  excluding  all 
visitors  except  those  detailed  for  duty  by  the  surgeon  in 
charge.  This  rule  was  later  extended  to  cover  all  the  hospitals, 
and  proved  most  beneficial.  By  March  6  Hospital  No.  2 
was  functioning  in  an  orderly  way.  Two  matrons  had  been 
employed  and  kitchen  accommodations  improvised  where  food 
could  be  prepared  properly.  Already  the  capacity  of  the 
hospital  was  overtaxed,  and  again  measures  had  been  taken 
to  secure  supplementary  quarters.4 

^Indianapolis  Journal,  February  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  3  ;  February  28,  p.  3, 
c.  1  ;  March  1,  p.  3,  c.  2.  John  H.  Holliday,  Indianapolis  and  the  Civil  War 
(Indiana  Historical  Society  Publications,  IV,  no.  9,  Indianapolis,  191 1),  573- 

4Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  146,  147,  152;  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  March  4,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  4;  March  6,  p.  3,  c.  2.  Newspapers 
often  referred  to  Hospital  No.  2  as  the  Meridian  Street  Hospital. 


Space  was  available  in  the  old  four-story  post  office  on 
Meridian  Street  near  the  corner  of  Washington.  Captain  Ekin 
cut  more  red  tape,  contracted  for  the  building  on  March  5,  and 
had  Military  Hospital  No.  3  crudely  ready  for  patients  in 
thirty-six  hours.  The  first  and  second  floors  were  divided  into 
two  wards  each,  and  preparations  were  made  for  similar  ar- 
rangement of  the  two  upper  stories.  It  was  thought  that  from 
200  to  250  men  could  be  accommodated.  Having  no  mattresses 
ready,  Ekin  begged  help  of  the  young  ladies  of  Miss  Merrill's 
school,  and  these  young  women  put  together  one  hundred  and 
fifty  bed  sacks  and  a  number  of  pillow  slips  in  a  single  day. 
Dr.  Talbot  Bullard  was  placed  in  charge  of  this  hospital,  with 
Dr.  Will  Bullard  as  his  assistant.  Two  sergeants  from  the 
Fourth  Mississippi  were  selected  as  ward  masters,  and  given 
a  detail  of  twenty  of  their  comrades  to  act  as  nurses.  At  least 
a  hundred  prisoners  were  brought  into  the  hospital  by  March  J.5 

In  a  few  cases,  sick  prisoners  were  removed  to  private 
houses,  where  they  could  be  cared  for  to  better  advantage 
than  in  crowded  hospitals,  but  this  practice  was  soon  discon- 
tinued by  General  Halleck's  orders.6 

During  these  busy  days.  Colonel  Hoffman,  commissary 
general  of  prisoners,  visited  Camp  Morton  and  the  hospitals, 
and  on  March  5  reported  to  General  Meigs  what  had  been 
done.7  Since  the  City  Hospital,  under  Dr.  Kitchen,  was  oc- 
cupied exclusively  by  sick  volunteers  and  prisoners  of  war,  he 
arranged  that  expenses  there  be  borne  by  the  Government. 
Expenses  of  the  two  downtown  hospitals  were  estimated  at 
$225  each  per  month,  exclusive  of  rent.  At  each  the  attending 
physician  was  paid  $100,  a  steward,  $40,  two  matrons,  $30 
each,  and  an  apothecary,  $25.  Rental  for  one  building  was 
$104  and  for  the  other,  $60. 

Supplies  of  sheets  and  pillowcases,  and  sufficient  under- 
clothing to  insure  cleanliness  were  authorized  by  the  Govern- 
ment, but  it  took  time  to  secure  them  in  quantity,  and  appeals 

5Indianapolis  Journal,  March  6,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  March  7,  p.  3,  c.  2.  This 
hospital  was  often  referred  to  as  Center  Hospital. 

6Terrell,  Report,  I,  461-62;  Indianapolis  Journal,  March  6,  1862,  p.  3,  c. 
1 ;  March  27,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

''Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  348-49,  375- 


were  made  to  the  townspeople  to  send  old  shirts,  underclothing, 
and  bed  linen.  Some  homes  were  practically  stripped  of 
bedding,  first,  by  contributions  to  sick  Union  soldiers  in 
Kentucky  and  Indiana,  and  now  by  gifts  to  the  prisoners. 
Their  woeful  state  probably  induced  more  than  one  young 
lady  to  give  up  her  own  pillow,  when  every  spare  one  in  the 
house  had  gone  for  some  soldier's  use.8 

To  secure  suitable  food  for  the  sick  men,  a  hospital  fund 
was  set  up;  this  operated  as  did  the  prisoners'  fund  at  Camp 
Morton.  From  the  regular  issue  of  one  soldier's  ration  for 
each  patient,  excess  quantities  of  food  were  bought  back  by 
the  commissary,  and  the  money  thus  accruing  was  expended 
in  purchasing  vegetables  and  delicacies.  Here  again  the  citizens 
of  Indianapolis  were  asked  to  supplement  what  the  hospital 
kitchens  could  supply.  Corn  bread  and  buttermilk  were  two 
of  the  articles  most  in  demand,  and  quantities  were  sent  in 
by  individuals  and  associations.  Clothing,  fruits,  and  wines 
came  also  from  friends  of  the  prisoners  in  Kentucky.  Addi- 
tional purchases  were  made  from  the  prisoners'  fund,  which 
increased  much  faster  than  the  hospital  fund.9 

The  improvised  accommodations  for  the  sick  were  far  from 
satisfactory.  Occupants  of  the  building  adjoining  Hospital 
No.  2  objected  to  its  location,  protesting  that  the  stench  would 
be  intolerable  as  summer  months  approached.  A  sharp  reply 
in  the  Journal  asserted  that  the  hospital  wards  were  clean,  dry, 
and  free  from  odor,  and  pointed  out  that  the  authorities  had 
done  the  best  they  could  in  the  exigencies  of  the  situation :  no 
quarters  had  been  available  outside  the  city,  and  the  sick 
could  not  wait.10 

The  criticism  was  valid,  however.  The  situation  of  the 
hospitals  was  not  only  bad  for  neighboring  buildings ;  the  dust 
and  noise  were  undesirable  for  the  patients.     The  buildings 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  375,  400-1 ;  Indianapolis  Journal,  Feb- 
ruary 28,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  March  11,  p.  3,  c.  3;  Indiana  Soldier,  I,  323~24- 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  401,  617,  620-21 ;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
March  5,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  March  6,  p.  3,  c.  2;  March  8,  p.  3,  c.  2;  March  11, 
p.  3,  c.  2;  March  14,  p.  3,  c.  3;  March  17,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

10Ibid.,  March  13,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  March  14,  p.  2,  c.  2;  March  15, 
p.  3,  c.  2. 


themselves  had  not  been  designed  for  hospital  use.  Ingress 
and  egress  were  badly  arranged,  and  the  prisoners  on  duty  as 
nurses  and  orderlies  found  it  fairly  easy  to  make  their  escape. 
Iron  bars  were  finally  put  into  the  rear  windows  of  Hospital 
No.  3  as  a  preventive.11 

Captain  Ekin  looked  about  for  better  quarters,  and  settled 
upon  a  frame  building  on  the  corner  of  Curve  and  Plum  streets, 
east  of  the  Bellefontaine  car  shops  and  north  of  Massachusetts 
Avenue.  This  could  be  fitted  up  for  about  eighty  cots,  and 
would  allow  the  hospital  in  the  Gymnasium  to  be  dismantled. 
Patients  and  equipment  were  moved  from  Hospital  No.  2  on 
April  3.  Dr.  Fletcher  resigned  at  the  time  of  the  move  and 
was  succeeded  by  Dr.  Livingston  Dunlap,  with  Dr.  J.  H.  Til- 
ford  as  his  assistant.12 

Ever  since  Hoffman's  visit,  plans  had  been  under  way  for 
the  construction  of  an  addition  to  the  City  Hospital,  which 
would  make  a  convenient  and  permanent  provision  for  as  many 
as  three  hundred  sick  prisoners.  It  would  also  be  less  expensive 
than  several  separate  hospitals.  Since  the  existing  dispensary 
and  kitchens  could  be  used,  the  chief  requirement  would  be 
additional  nurses  and  attendants.  It  was  thought  that  $2,500 
would  cover  the  cost  of  the  addition.13 

The  main  building  was  a  three-story  brick  structure  on 
the  site  of  the  present  City  Hospital.  The  addition  erected 
to  the  north  of  the  old  building  for  the  prisoners  was  of  frame 
construction,  a  hundred  feet  long,  forty-two  feet  wide,  and 
three  stories  high.14  It  was  completed  in  May,  and  by  the 
twenty- fourth  of  that  month  the  patients  from  the  downtown 
hospital  in  the  old  post  office  and  from  the  Bellefontaine 
hospital  had  been  transferred  there.  The  Journal  describes 
it  as  follows  :15 

uIbid.,  March  14,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  April  1,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
March  13,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  March  22,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

12Indianapolis  Journal,  March  25,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  April  3,  p.  3,  c.  2 ; 
April  4,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  349,  375- 

uIbid.,  Ill,  386-87;  Indianapolis  Journal,  March  22,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

15 Ibid.,  May  24,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1-2.  See  also  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  July 
21,  1862,  p.  3.  c.  2. 


"The  stories  are  but  nine  feet,  not  quite  so  high  as  they 
should  be,  but  as  the  building  is  only  intended  as  a  temporary 
summer  hospital  this  defect  is  but  slight.  The  wards  are 
larger  than  those  in  the  main  building,  and  they  are  fully  as 
comfortable,  being  well  provided  with  windows,  thus  giving 
plenty  of  air  and  light.  These  wards  are  kept  neat  and  clean, 
and  no  bad  odor  is  emitted  to  nauseate  both  patients  and 
attendants,  as  was  the  case  with  one  of  our  down-town  hos- 
pitals. .  .  .  The  number  confined  to  a  ward  is  greater  than 
in  the  Federal  hospital,  but  this  is  owing  to  the  size  of  the 
rooms.     None  are  crowded. 

"The  cooking  is  under  the  supervision  of  two  Sisters  of 
Providence,  who  employ  only  females  for  the  purpose.  Every 
article  of  food  is  well  cooked  and  promptly  furnished  upon 
short  notice.  The  two  classes  of  patients  of  the  convalescents 
[Union  and  Confederate]  have  separate  dining  rooms.  ...  In 
fact  the  hospital  is  conducted  in  such  a  way  that  the  two 
hospitals  are  almost  as  distinct  as  if  they  were  miles  apart.  No 
intercourse  whatever  is  allowed  between  our  men  and  the 
prisoners.  The  arrangements  for  washing  and  ironing  are 
complete.  A  constant  change  of  clean  clothes  for  the  .  .  .  pa- 
tients and  for  their  beds  is  supplied  each  week,  or  oftener,  as 
occasion  may  require. 

"The  City  Hospital  has  for  over  a  year  been  under  the 
charge  of  Dr.  J.  M.  Kitchen,  who  has  introduced  such  perfect 
system  .    .    .  that  everything  goes  like  clockwork.   .    .    . 

".  .  .In  the  prisoners'  hospital,  Dr.  Wilkes,  a  Surgeon 
who  was  taken  prisoner  at  Fort  Donelson,  is  the  Surgeon  in 
charge.  .  .  .  The  Hospital  Steward,  Dr.  Reame,  is  one  of  the 
most  industrious  and  faithful  of  men,  and  is  a  model  of 
promptness  and  efficiency." 

Enlargement  of  the  receiving  hospital  at  Camp  Morton 
was  also  deemed  advisable,  and  was  carried  out  by  putting  in 
a  second  floor  or  half  floor.16  There  was  nothing  elaborate 
about  this  institution.  To  save  expense  in  furnishing,  each 
patient  was  required  to  bring  his  own  blanket.  The  steward, 
ward  masters,  nurses,  cooks,  and  other  assistants,  all  prisoners, 

16Official  Records,  2  series,  III,  387,  401. 


received  no  regular  compensation,  but  Dr.  Jameson  gave  them 
books  and  papers,  and  occasional  small  sums  of  money.  Ac- 
cording to  his  report  of  June  I,  1862,  the  whole  number  of 
patients  admitted  to  the  receiving  hospital  since  March  1 1 
was  700.  Of  these  127  were  returned  to  quarters,  I  had 
died,  9  were  still  in  the  receiving  hospital,  and  563  had  been 
sent  to  the  emergency  quarters  in  the  city  which  have 
already  been  described.17 

Many  of  the  patients  died,  in  spite  of  the  best  efforts  of 
the  surgeons.  Exposure  and  poor  fare  for  weeks  before  they 
reached  Indianapolis  left  them  too  weak,  too  depressed,  to 
make  any  effort  at  recovery.  Although  they  found  better 
quarters  at  Camp  Morton  than  they  had  had  for  some  time,18 
there  was  little  about  a  prison  camp  to  revive  their  spirits,  and 
the  cold  weather  of  February  and  March  had  the  worst  possible 
effect.  With  the  facilities  of  present-day  hospitals  at  their 
disposal,  they  might  have  had  some  chance  of  recovery,  but 
the  military  hospitals  of  1862  were  little  more  than  shelters 
where  the  sick  could  be  segregated  from  the  well. 

One  physician  described  the  pitiable  condition  of  the  Fort 
Donelson  prisoners  thus  :19  "The  prevalent  diseases  among 
them  were  typhoid  fever  and  typhoid  pneumonia,  occurring  in 
persons  in  whom  the  vital  forces  had  been  reduced  to  the  lowest 
possible  degree;  many  'dropped  dead'  while  walking  about 
their  quarters,  without  having  manifested  any  disease,  organic 
or  functional,  except  great  general  debility.  In  persons  of  this 
class,  while  moving  about  looking  apparently  in  medium  health, 
the  action  of  the  heart  and  arteries  would  be  so  feeble  as  to  be 
scarcely  perceptible  in  pulsations  at  the  wrist." 

Three  Mississippians  died  on  February  25,  and  the  number 
of  deaths  increased  rapidly.  "The  mortality  among  the 
prisoners  does  not  abate,"  reported  the  Journal  uneasily  on 
March  24.  "The  list  below  shows  thirty-two  deaths  last  week, 
and  no  since  the  first  arrival  of  prisoners  here,  being  a  greater 

"Jameson,  Report  to  Adjutant  General  Noble,  June  1,  1862,  Executive 
Department  file,  109.9,  1861,  Archives  Division,  Indiana  State  Library. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  March  8,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

^Medical  and  Surgical  History  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  Medical 
Volume,  pt.  Ill  (Washington,  1888),  54- 


number  than  have  died  at  Chicago,  where  there  are  over  2,000 
more  prisoners."  In  April  a  case  of  smallpox  appeared  at 
Camp  Morton.  Dr.  Jameson  found  it  necessary  to  vaccinate 
about  half  the  prisoners  there,  and  fortunately  this  precaution 
prevented  the  spread  of  this  most-dreaded  disease.20 

Although  no  epidemics  swept  through  the  camp  or  hospitals, 
it  was  not  until  June  that  the  surgeons  joined  in  reporting  that 
general  health  conditions  were  much  improved.  The  total 
number  of  deaths  by  the  end  of  July  was  at  least  265.  In  the 
humid  month  of  August,  Dr.  Jameson  was  obliged  to  report  an 
increase  of  dysentery  and  fevers  at  the  camp.  More  than  a 
hundred  prisoners  were  too  weak  to  be  conveyed  to  Vicksburg 
late  that  month  for  exchange,  but  most  of  them  were  able  to 
leave  early  in  September.  Eight  hundred  nineteen  Confed- 
erates had  by  this  time  been  treated  in  the  City  Hospital.21 

Official  medical  records  for  these  months  are  incomplete, 
although  hospital  stewards  were  instructed  to  transmit  to 
Colonel  Owen  and  Adjutant  General  Noble  a  report  of  all 
deaths,  giving  the  name  of  the  deceased,  date  of  admittance 
to  the  hospital,  company,  regiment,  and  finally  a  list  of  any 
personal  effects,  which  were  to  be  held  for  delivery  to  relatives 
of  the  dead.22  In  the  lists  of  deaths  among  the  prisoners 
which  appeared  fairly  regularly  in  the  newspapers,  the  notation 
"name  unknown"  is  not  uncommon.23 

By  direction  of  Governor  Morton,  five  lots  were  purchased 
near  the  City  Cemetery  for  the  interment  of  the  Confederate 
prisoners  who  died  at  Camp  Morton.  The  cemetery  lay  along 
Kentucky  Avenue  between  West  Street  and  the  river,  and  came 
to  be  called  by  the  name  of  one  of  its  additions — Greenlawn. 
There  was  little  ceremony  about  the  burial  services.  Weaver 
and  Williams,  an  Indianapolis  firm  of  undertakers,  had  con- 
tracted to  furnish  plain  wooden  coffins  for  $3.50  each,  and 

^Indianapolis  Sentinel,  April  3,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

21Ibid.,  August  4,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  August  29,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  September  3,  p.  3, 
c.  1 ;  September  5,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

22Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  195,  218;  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  March  6,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

2:;See  especially  weekly  issues  of  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  March  4-July  24, 


delivered  the  bodies  at  the  cemetery.  There  details  of  prisoners 
dug  the  graves,  trenches  about  twenty  feet  long  in  which  the 
coffins  were  laid  side  by  side,  with  a  stout  board  carrying  a 
painted  identification  number  at  the  head  of  each  one.  If  a 
burial  service  was  read  or  a  prayer  offered,  the  rite  was 
performed  by  one  of  the  prisoners  for  his  dead  comrades.24 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  February  27,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  March  18,  p.  3,  c.  2 ; 
Noble,  A.  G.  O.,  Letter  and  Order  Book  No.  1,  pp.  133,  134;  Indianapolis 
Sentinel,  February  26,  1862,  p.  3,  c.  2;  March  6,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  January  31,  1865, 
p.  3,  c.  1. 

V.     CAMP  MORTON  IN  DECLINE,  1863 

Camp  Morton's  best  period  was  past.  By  the  beginning 
of  1863,  the  connection  between  camp  and  state  admin- 
istration was  greatly  lessened.  Guards,  supplies,  inspections, 
camp  improvements  were  under  the  control  of  the  Federal 
Commissary  General  of  Prisoners,  and  if  everything  was  not 
always  what  the  prisoners  had  a  right  to  expect,  state  pride 
was  not  greatly  affected.  As  far  as  the  citizens  and  news- 
papers were  concerned,  prisoners  had  ceased  to  be  an  interest- 
ing novelty,  and  other  concerns  gradually  thrust  them  from 
the  public  mind.  Such  circumstances  as  did  recall  them  to 
notice — reports  of  the  miseries  suffered  by  Union  prisoners 
in  the  South,  or  anti-administration  attacks  made  more  and 
more  frequently  on  the  purposes  and  conduct  of  the  war — did 
them  no  service.  From  every  point  of  view  their  fortunes 
changed  for  the  worse  with  the  prolongation  of  the  war. 

The  prisoners'  camp  should  have  had  a  thorough  renovation 
and  rebuilding  in  the  first  months  of  1863,  for  it  was  "much 
dilapidated  and  sadly  in  need  of  repairs."1  For  two  years 
Union  recruits  and  Confederate  prisoners  had  crowded  the 
barracks  and  swarmed  over  the  enclosure.  The  buildings 
which  dated  from  the  camp's  fairground  days  had  been  put  to 
every  use  but  the  intended  ones,  and  the  few  which  had  been 
erected  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  were  flimsy  makeshifts 
designed  on  the  theory  that  the  war  would  soon  be  over.  Noth- 
ing was  ever  done  in  anticipation  of  a  probable  need,  and  by 
the  time  the  necessity  of  an  improvement  was  acknowledged, 
weeks  and  months  of  delay  had  usually  aggravated  the  need 
to  twice  its  original  proportions.  From  1863  until  1865  tne 
records  contain  a  sorry  round  of  inspectors'  complaints  and 
recommendations,  and  orders  from  the  Commissary  General 
of  Prisoners  in  which  permission  for  improvement  was  always 
balanced  by  the  strictest  exhortation  to  economy. 

The    capture    of    several    thousand    Confederates    at    the 

1Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  227. 



Arkansas  Post  and  at  Murfreesboro  in  January,  1863,  found 
prison  camp  officials  as  unprepared  as  the  first  large  captures 
made  in  1862.  Exchanges  had  been  proceeding  at  City  Point, 
Virginia,  and  at  Vicksburg,  but  were  now  halted  at  the 
latter  point  by  fighting  in  the  area,  and  by  the  reluctance 
of  the  Union  command  to  reinforce  a  city  which  they  were 
intent  on  reducing.2 

The  prisoners  were  sent  to  St.  Louis,  where  they  were  held 
for  several  miserable  days  on  the  boats  until  quarters  could 
be  found  for  them.  To  an  inquiry  about  Camp  Morton, 
Adjutant  General  Noble  replied  that  the  barracks  could  be 
made  to  accommodate  two  thousand  prisoners,  but  no  guard 
was  available.  The  lack  of  a  sufficient  guard  was  particularly 
unfortunate  at  Indianapolis,  where  the  number  of  seces- 
sion sympathizers  and  anti-administration  politicians  was 
steadily  growing,  but  Hoffman  had  no  better  station  avail- 
able, and  the  prisoners  were  divided  between  Camp  Morton 
and  Camp  Douglas.3 

Beginning  on  January  29,  they  reached  Indianapolis  in  lots 
of  from  two  to  three  hundred,  until,  by  the  end  of  March,  652 
prisoners  were  lodged  in  the  tumble-down  barracks.  Nearly 
all  of  them  had  been  captured  in  the  hospitals  at  Murfreesboro. 
They  came  from  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Alabama  regi- 
ments ;  perhaps  a  dozen  of  them  had  been  at  Camp  Morton 
with  the  Fort  Donelson  prisoners.  Among  them  were  about 
ninety  badly  wounded,  who  were  dispatched  to  the  Central 
Hospital;  172  less  seriously  injured  had  to  be  taken  care  of 
in  the  old  hospital  at  Camp  Morton,  and  in  one  of  the  barracks 
which  was  taken  over  for  their  use.4 

Because  there  was  no  crowding,  the  Murfreesboro  prisoners 
fared  reasonably  well.  The  drafty  sheds  along  the  north  side 
of  the  enclosure  remained  unoccupied.  A  fatigue  party 
worked  hard  at  policing  the  camp,  and  although  no  major  re- 
pairs were  made  on  the  barracks,  Captain  Ekin   furnished  a 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  163,  176,  179-80. 

3 Ibid.,  V,  201,  203-4,  228. 

4Ibid.,  V,  227-28,  391-92;  Indianapolis  Journal,  January  29,  1863,  p.  3, 
c.  3 ;  February  12,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  30,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1 ; 
February  16,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  March  2,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


carpenter  who  constructed  some  bunks,  and  put  in  additional 
windows.  It  was  recommended  that  several  temporary  bar- 
racks at  Camp  Carrington  (one  of  the  many  Indianapolis 
camps  for  Union  soldiers)  be  brought  to  Camp  Morton  in 
anticipation  of  a  larger  number  of  prisoners,  but  the  move  was 
not  ordered.  Five  large  buildings  were  in  use,  one  40  by  24 
feet,  one  no  by  20,  two  100  by  20,  and  one  120  by  20  feet. 
Nurses  and  noncommissioned  officers  attached  to  the  hospitals 
were  quartered  in  three  small  buildings.5 

Colonel  James  Biddle,  of  the  Seventy-first  Indiana 
Volunteers,  commanded  the  camp.  Most  of  his  regiment, 
captured  by  Morgan  at  Muldraugh's  Hill,  Kentucky,  on 
December  28,  and  paroled  on  the  field,  were  now  at  Camp 
Morton  awaiting  exchange.  The  250  men  of  the  regiment 
not  on  parole  were  assigned  to  guard  the  prisoners,  with  two 
companies  of  the  Sixty-third  assisting  them.  Other  admin- 
istrative officers  included  Captain  Ekin,  of  the  quartermaster 
department,  and  his  assistant,  Captain  L.  L.  Moore,  who  also 
had  charge  of  the  camp  commissary.  No  issues  of  clothes 
were  deemed  necessary,  for  the  prisoners  had  arrived  warmly, 
if  not  uniformly  clad,  and  most  of  them  in  possession  of 
blankets.  Supplies,  furnished  by  Captain  Thomas  Foster,  Jr., 
assistant  commissary  of  subsistence,  were  rated  as  "good  and 
wholesome  in  all  parts,"  and  the  ration  was  mentioned  as 
quite  sufficient.  Bread  still  came  from  the  bakehouse  managed 
by  the  state  quartermaster  general. 

Assistant  Surgeon  A.  N.  Weir,  of  the  Seventy-first 
Indiana,  headed  the  medical  department,  with  two  Indianapolis 
physicians,  Dr.  David  Funkhouser  and  Dr.  Patrick  H.  Jame- 
son, employed  by  contract  as  assistants.  Funkhouser  was  the 
only  one  of  these  physicians  who  continued  active  at  the  camp 
during  the  summer.  Although  patients  crowded  the  two  hos- 
pital buildings,  a  camp  inspector  reported  on  March  24  that 
the  cases  were  all  old  ones,  principally  wounded,  and  that  under 
the  circumstances  the  total  of  twenty-three  deaths  since  the 
end  of  January  was  not  alarming.  No  cases  of  smallpox  had 
appeared.6     His  report  seems  unduly  cheerful,  for  Dr.  Funk- 

5Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  227-28,  239-40,  391-92. 
9 Ibid.,  V,  391-92. 


houser  announced  in  the  Indianapolis  Sentinel  two  days  later 
that  the  wounded  prisoners  had  been  almost  entirely  without 
rags  and  bandages  for  some  time,  and  entreated  "humanely 
disposed"  citizens  of  Indianapolis  to  contribute  supplies.7 

Whatever  the  lacks  in  camp  and  hospital  equipment,  the 
prisoners  at  Camp  Morton  at  this  period  seemed  to  the  in- 
spector more  cheerful  and  happy  than  at  other  posts.  Besides 
being  cleanly  in  appearance  and  performing  the  required  police 
duties  with  willingness  and  alacrity,  they  showed  a  healthy  zest 
for  games  and  exercise  that  was  uncommon  in  a  prison  camp. 

Their  imprisonment  lasted  less  than  three  months.  Ex- 
change of  enlisted  men  was  still  progressing,  although 
indignation  at  the  attitude  of  the  Confederates  toward  com- 
manders of  negro  troops  had  put  an  end  to  the  exchange  of 
officers.8  The  prisoners  from  Camp  Morton  were  ordered  to 
City  Point,  Virginia,  and  on  April  6  and  23  almost  six  hundred 
began  the  long  journey.  Some  of  the  wounded  had  to  be  taken 
to  the  station  in  wagons  and  ambulances,  while  many  more 
hobbled  along  with  the  aid  of  canes ;  such  a  trip  was  a  severe 
test  of  their  fortitude  and  endurance.9 

Authorities  rejoiced  to  see  them  go.  Ever  since  the  draft 
of  August,  1862,  opposition  to  the  administration  and  the 
war  had  come  more  and  more  into  the  open.  In  December, 
Colonel  Henry  B.  Carrington  felt  impelled  to  report  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  the  spread  in  Indiana  of  a  secret  order  which 
incited  the  desertion  of  soldiers  with  their  arms,  furthered 
resistance  to  arrest  of  deserters,  and  exerted  its  influence  to 
stop  enlistments  and  prevent  the  carrying  out  of  the  draft.10 

In  March,  1863,  at  Governor  Morton's  request,  Carrington 
forwarded  a  memorandum  on  continued  activities  of  the 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  i11  in  several  counties  arrest  of 
deserters  had  met  with  armed  resistance ;  nearly  30,000  arms 
had   entered   the    state    in   February   and   March    alone,    and 

'Indianapolis  Sentinel,  March  26,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  192-93,  199,  234-35,  3 18,  706. 

*Ibid.,  V,  357;  Indianapolis  Journal,  April  7,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Indianapolis 
Sentinel,  April  23,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  3. 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  108. 

xlIbid.,  V,  363-67.  The  names  "Order  of  American  Knights"  and  "Sons 
of  Liberty"  were  used  later. 


plans  had  been  discussed  contemplating  the  seizure  of  the 
arsenal,  railroads,  and  telegraph ;  kegs  of  powder  were  being 
smuggled  in  in  boxes  marked  "nails"  or  "pickaxes."  Carring- 
ton  said  that  Indiana  membership  in  the  order  had  been  put 
at  92,000  persons,  and  with  lodges  in  all  but  seven  counties,  he 
was  inclined  to  believe  the  number  might  not  be  extravagant.12 
Bitterness  and  recklessness  were  becoming  more  evident  day 
by  day.  "I  am  convinced,"  said  Carrington,  "that  the  tension 
cannot  long  last;  reaction  or  violence  is  certain." 

It  seemed  to  Morton,  Carrington,  and  Brigadier  General 
Orlando  B.  Willcox,  commanding  the  military  district  of 
Indiana  and  Michigan,  no  time  to  introduce  a  large  body  of 
prisoners  into  the  distraught  community.  Camp  Morton  was 
a  big  place,  and  at  least  six  companies  would  be  required  to 
guard  it  efficiently.  No  one  wanted  to  spare  so  many  men 
for  guard  duty  when  there  was  every  chance  that  disturbances 
in  the  state  would  require  their  services,  or  that  General 
Morgan  might  suddenly  appear  north  of  the  Ohio  and  start 
raiding  operations  in  Indiana.  Turning  the  camp  over  to 
prisoners  also  meant  that  some  other  place  had  to  be  found  for 
assembling  Indiana  recruits  or  paroled  troops. 

Hoffman  saw  clearly  enough  that  the  camp  system  was 
inadequate  and  inconvenient,  and  suggested  the  building  of 
one  big  depot  capable  of  holding  eight  or  ten  thousand 
prisoners,  but  his  estimate  that  the  cost  would  run  to  $50,000 
quashed  any  interest  the  War  Department  might  have  had  in 
the  idea.13    The  old  camps  had  to  serve. 

The  next  group  of  prisoners  to  arrive  at  Camp  Morton 
came  from  Gallatin,  Tennessee,  late  in  May.  Grant's  success- 
ful operations  near  Vicksburg  provided  a  much  larger  install- 
ment within  the  week,  when  4,400  Confederates  were  sent 
north  to  be  divided  between  Camp  Morton  and  Fort  Delaware. 
Three  trainloads  came  in  on  the  afternoon  of  June  2,  and 
once  again  the  townspeople  turned  out  to  watch  their  entry. 
Ragged  and  travel-stained  as  they  were,   they  had  a  hardy, 

12Logan  Esarey,  in  his  History  of  Indiana,  II,  781,  says  there  "were  per- 
haps 50,000  members"  in  1863. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  511-13- 


vigorous  appearance  that  was  commented  on  by  both  the 
Journal  and  the  Sentinel.  On  the  next  day,  the  remainder  of 
the  4,400  arrived.  Their  officers,  scheduled  to  go  on  to  Camp 
Johnson,  were  fed  and  lodged  for  the  night  at  the  Soldiers' 
Home,  which  had  been  built  the  preceding  summer  to  provide 
temporary  shelter  and  refreshment  for  transient  soldiers.14 

A  group  of  conscripted  East  Tennesseans  among  the 
prisoners  attracted  much  attention.  Their  petition  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  and  enlist  with  the  Union  troops  was 
warmly  seconded  by  the  Journal,  which  described  them  en- 
thusiastically as  "great  stalwart  men  with  frames  like  giants, 
bare-footed,  bronzed  with  exposure,  hardy  as  their  own  hills,  as 
brave  as  men  can  be."15  The  War  Department  had  frowned 
on  the  enlistment  of  prisoners  of  war,  but  the  practice  had 
continued  sporadically  at  the  camps,  and  Secretary  Stanton 
was  soon  to  give  it  his  approval.16  At  Camp  Morton,  250 
Tennesseans  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  some  time  before 
June  12,  and  immediately  enlisted — 50  in  the  Seventy-first 
Indiana,  50  in  the  batteries,  155  in  the  Fifth  Tennessee 
Cavalry.  Quite  a  parade  was  made  of  the  departure  of  this 
last  group  for  Lexington  on  June  13.  With  an  escort  from 
the  Seventy-first  Indiana  they  marched  down  Pennsylvania 
Street  to  Market  and  through  the  heart  of  town  to  the  Union  Sta- 
tion where  they  entrained  with  rousing  cheers  for  the  Union.17 

Willcox  protested  to  Hoffman  on  June  11  that  it  was 
highly  impolitic  to  keep  the  prisoners  at  Indianapolis,  and 
asked  where  he  could  send  them.  Hoffman  telegraphed  per- 
mission to  forward  them  to  Fort  Delaware,  but  it  appears  from 
the  record  that  Willcox  had  started  most  of  them  to  Camp 
Chase  before  Hoffman's  message  was  received  (there  were 
only  1 1 1  prisoners  in  the  camp  on  July  1 ) .     In  a  letter  written 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,  May  30,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  June  3,  p.  3,  c.  3  ;  June 
4,  P-  3,  c.  3  ;  June  8,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  June  12,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
June  1,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  June  3,  p.  3,  c.  3 ;  June  4,  p.  3,  c.  2,  4 ;  Official  Records, 
2  series,  V,  722,  728. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  June  12,  1863,  p.  2,  c.  2-3. 

lr'Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  242,  297,  345,  381-82,  446,  659,  669,  707; 
VI,  31,  186. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  June  12,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1,  2;  June  15,  p.  3,  c.  2,  3 ; 
Indianapolis  Sentinel,  June  12,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  June  15,  p.  3,  c.  2. 


the  same  day,  the  Commissary  General  of  Prisoners  made  it 
perfectly  plain  that  Camp  Morton  could  not  be  dispensed 
with,  for  the  other  camps  were  not  much  better  able  to  hold 
the  prisoners  securely,  and  altogether  would  not  accommodate 
more  than  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand.18  He  pointed  out  that 
recent  exchanges  had  released  all  of  the  Seventy-first  (Biddle's 
regiment),  the  Fifty-first,  and  Sixty-third  Indiana  regiments, 
which  could  be  assigned  as  guards.19  Willcox  acknowledged 
this  letter  with  a  reiterated  warning  that  Camp  Morton  was 
no  safe  spot  for  prisoners.20 

A  week  after  Willcox  had  hustled  off  most  of  his  prisoners, 
Captain  Thomas  H.  Hines,  of  Morgan's  Cavalry,  crossed  the 
Ohio  into  Perry  County  with  less  than  a  hundred  men.  For 
a  soul-satisfying  day,  he  proceeded  calmly  through  the  country 
toward  Paoli  in  the  guise  of  a  Union  officer  in  search  of 
deserters.  He  actually  arrested  two.  Whenever  he  saw  a 
promising  cavalry  mount,  he  gathered  it  in,  leaving  the  owner 
in  happy  possession  of  a  broken-down  horse  and  a  generous 
voucher  on  the  Federal  quartermaster  at  Indianapolis.  But 
the  next  day  his  secret  was  out,  and  Hines  fell  into  the  hands 
of  a  conscripted  "guide"  as  impudent  as  himself.  Under 
pretext  of  eluding  the  Legion  companies  which  were  springing 
to  action  on  right  and  left,  the  guide  led  him  to  Blue  River 
Island,  with  the  assurance  that  it  was  a  practicable  fording 
point.  It  was,  as  far  as  the  island,  but  on  the  southern  side  the 
current  ran  deep  and  strong.  By  the  time  the  Confederates 
had  made  their  devious  and  long-drawn-out  march  to  the 
island,  Indiana  legionnaires  were  in  position  to  block  retreat. 
They  opened  fire,  killing  several  Confederates  and  wounding 
several  more.  Hines  made  his  escape  by  swimming  the  river, 
but  fifty  men  and  two  officers  were  captured  and  dispatched 
to  Louisville.21  This  incursion,  brief  and  ineffective  as  it 
was,  had  no  soothing  effect  on  Indianapolis. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  441  ;  VI,  3  5  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  June 
12,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  June  13,  p.  3,  c.  2. 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  400,  408,  409,  414,  584,  735. 

"Ibid.,  VI,  19-20. 

aTerrell,  Report,  I,  161-65;  Indianapolis  Journal,  June  23,  1863,  p.  2,  c. 
1-2;  Louis  B.  Ewbank,  Morgan's  Raid  in  Indiana  (Indiana  Historical  Society 
Publications,  VII,  no.  2,  Indianapolis),  135-39 ;  Basil  W.  Duke,  History  of 
Morgan's  Cavalry  (Cincinnati,  1867),  430-31. 

'       CAMP  MORTON  321 

Two  weeks  later  came  the  word  that  General  John  Morgan 
had  started  north  through  Kentucky.  To  help  repel  this  in- 
vasion, practically  all  the  United  States  troops  in  Indianapolis 
were  ordered  to  Louisville,  leaving  the  city  thinly  guarded  by 
two  companies  of  the  Sixty-third  Indiana,  some  hundreds  of 
recently  exchanged  prisoners  of  the  Fifty- first  and  Seventy- 
third  regiments,  and  a  few  recruits.  Into  the  general  gloom 
trickled  news  of  victories  at  Gettysburg  and  Vicksburg,  and  on 
July  7  the  citizens  celebrated  with  bonfires,  fireworks,  and 
speeches.  Next  day  they  heard  that  Morgan  had  crossed  the 
Ohio  at  Brandenburg.22 

Out  from  Governor  Morton's  office  on  Thursday,  July  9, 
went  a  general  order  to  all  able-bodied  men  in  the  several 
counties  south  of  the  National  Road  to  form  themselves  into 
companies  of  at  least  sixty  persons,  elect  officers,  and  arm 
themselves  as  best  they  could.  In  Indianapolis  alarm  bells 
summoned  the  townspeople  to  listen  to  an  order  closing 
all  places  of  business  at  three  o'clock  that  afternoon,  so 
that  military  companies  might  be  formed  in  preparation 
for  possible  danger. 

Reports  credited  Morgan  with  at  least  four  thousand  men 
and  four  pieces  of  artillery.  Morton  and  Willcox  both  feared 
that  he  might  move  directly  on  the  capital  to  release  rebel 
prisoners,  destroy  the  arsenal  with  all  its  arms  and  ammunition, 
and  perhaps  burn  the  city.  The  Governor  asked  for  the  return 
of  the  Seventy-first  Indiana  and  Myer's  Battery,  which  had 
been  recently  sent  to  Kentucky,  and  then  hesitated  to  trust 
them  to  the  railroad  for  fear  they  would  be  derailed  or 
entrapped  on  route  by  the  Confederates. 

A  city  regiment  was  organized  almost  overnight,  and 
drilled  in  University  Square,  while  eight  additional  companies 
were  forming  in  various  wards.  Banks  had  sent  their  specie 
northward  for  safety;  business  houses,  except  for  the  grocery 

22For  accounts  of  Morgan's  raid,  see  Terrell,  Report,  I,  165-202,  and 
Appendix,  pp.  279-80;  Duke,  History  of  Morgan's  Cavalry,  430-39;  Basil  W. 
Duke,  Orlando  B.  Willcox,  and  Thomas  H.  Hines,  "A  Romance  of  Morgan's 
Rough  Riders,"  in  Century,  XLI,  402-25  (January,  1891)  ;  Ewbank,  Morgans 
Raid,  140-83  ;  Foulke,  Life  of  Morton,  I,  278-85 ;  Official  Records,  1  series, 
XXIII,  pt.  1,  632  f  f. ;  Holliday,  Indianapolis  and  the  Civil  War,  582-83 ; 
Indianapolis  Journal,  July  15,  1863,  p.  2,  c.  2-4. 


stores  and  newspapers,  shut  their  doors.  For  three  days  armed 
men  poured  into  the  city.  By  Saturday  the  streets  were 
crowded,  camp  fires  burned  in  every  grove,  and  Morton  had 
to  ask  that  no  more  men  be  sent.  Occasionally  the  alarm  bell 
rang,  but  Morgan  did  not  come,  and  on  the  fourteenth  it  was 
established  that  he  had  moved  out  of  Indiana  into  Ohio. 

No  miracle  of  restraint  could  have  concealed  from  the 
prisoners  the  flurry  and  bustle  in  the  near-by  barracks.  How 
soon  they  discovered  that  Morgan  was  on  the  march  we  have 
no  way  of  knowing,  but  if,  as  Carrington  suspected,  they  had 
contacts  with  secession  sympathizers  in  the  vicinity,  they 
probably  guessed  why  Colonel  Biddle  and  his  regiment  were 
suddenly  withdrawn,  and  why  the  camp  was  left  in  charge  of 
Captain  Albert  J.  Guthridge  and  a  curtailed  guard. 

Their  last  hope  of  a  dramatic  rescue  died  on  July  23,  when 
eleven  hundred  of  Morgan's  men  who  had  been  captured  in 
Ohio  were  brought  to  join  them.23  A  hundred  more  arrived 
a  week  later.24 

No  other  prisoners  ever  confined  at  Camp  Morton  excited 
such  interest  as  the  men  from  Morgan's  command.  After 
their  spectacular  will-o'-the-wisp  flight  through  the  southern 
counties,  it  seemed  almost  incredible  that  they  could  be  clapped 
into  a  prison  camp  like  ordinary  mortals.  They  were  subjected 
to  the  thorough  search  which  all  prisoners  had  to  undergo. 
This  one  proved  unusually  productive,  for  spoils  of  the  raid 
began  to  appear  in  little  wads  of  greenbacks — $20  extracted 
from  one  man's  pipe  bowl,  $1,100  from  another's  canteen.25 

After  this  initiation,  the  prisoners  were  allowed  more  than 
the  usual  latitude  in  receiving  visitors.  This  was  doubtless 
due  to  the  slackening  of  camp  discipline  under  temporary 
commandants.  Guthridge,  Biddle's  immediate  successor,  had 
served  only  until  July  23, 26  when  he  was  relieved  by  Captain 

23Indianapolis  Sentinel,  July  24,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  July  25,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  In- 
dianapolis Journal,  July  25,  1863,  p.  2,  c.  1,  p.  3,  c.  1,  2. 

2iIbid.,  July  30,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  3. 

"-'Ibid.,  July  27,  1863,  p.  2,  c.  1. 

2uPost  Special  Orders  15,  Indianapolis,  July  23,  1863,  Newton  D.  Mer- 
eness  Calendar  of  Papers  from  the  National  Archives  (hereafter  cited  as 
Mereness  Calendar),  War  Department,  Northern  Department  Orders,  Vol. 
116,  pp.  48-49. 


David  W.  Hamilton,  of  the  Seventh  Indiana.  Hamilton 
was  a  native  of  Kentucky,  and  many  of  Morgan's  men  came 
from  wealthy  and  respected  Kentucky  families.  Hardly  had 
they  reached  Camp  Morton,  wrote  an  outraged  and  anonymous 
observer  to  Colonel  Hoffman,  "until  their  friends  crowded 
to  see  them,  furnishing  them  with  money  and  clothing  and 
various  articles  of  food,  treating  and  talking  to  them  as 
martyrs  and  heroes.  ...  I  am  informed,"  continued  the 
writer,  "that  the  permission  to  visit  these  rebels  comes  from 
General  Burnside  and  General  Willcox,  and  you  can  see  at 
the  Bates  House  ladies  and  gentlemen  from  Kentucky  flourish- 
ing their  permits  and  boasting  of  the  prowess  of  their  relatives 
in  the  Confederate  Army/'27  There  is  evidence  that  some  of 
the  visitors  were  loyal  Unionists,  come  to  beg  their  sons  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  They  had  no  success  with  Morgan's 
ardent  young  followers.28 

Taking  due  notice  of  the  questionable  form  in  which  these 
charges  were  made,  Hoffman  referred  them  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  who  sent  dispatches  to  Burnside,  Willcox,  and  Morton 
directing  them  to  correct  any  undesirable  laxness.  Restrictions 
were  put  into  effect  at  once,29  greatly  to  the  relief  of  Lieutenant 
Edward  J.  Robinson,  newly  appointed  to  act  as  commissary  of 
prisoners  at  Camp  Morton.  He  had  reached  the  camp  on 
July  8,  to  find  "no  rolls  or  books,  and  everything  in  confusion 
in  all  matters  pertaining  to  prisoners  of  war  and  the  camp 
in  general."  The  appearance  of  the  Morgan  prisoners  and 
their  visitors  had  increased  confusion  to  a  point  where  Robin- 
son found  himself  grudgingly  "waiting  on  them  all  day"  and 
compelled  to  work  on  the  prison  rolls  at  night.30 

Inside  the  camp,  the  Morgan  raiders  proved  equally  dis- 
turbing. They  made  trouble  among  the  other  prisoners,  and 
there  were  quarrels  and  riots  that  called  for  interference  from 
the  guards.  A  particular  antipathy  showed  itself  between 
this  group  and  the  Tennesseans,   several   hundred   of   whom 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  162-63. 
28Indianapolis  Journal,  July  27,  1863,  p.  2,  c.  1. 

^Ibid.,  July  29,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  3 ;  August  15,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
August  6,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  257. 
"Ibid.,  VI,  195. 



were   proposing   to   take   the    oath    of    allegiance   and   enlis 
as  Union  soldiers.31 

During  the  first  two  weeks  of  August  eighteen  hundred 
Confederates  taken  at  the  siege  of  Port  Hudson,  Louisiana, 
and  in  the  campaign  around  Jackson,  Tennessee,  brought  the 
total  of  prisoners  at  Camp  Morton  to  about  three  thousand. 
According  to  the  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  they  were  divided  in 
the  following  proportions  :  from  Tennessee,  830 ;  Kentucky, 
680;  Arkansas,  631;  Mississippi,  331;  Alabama,  131;  Louisi- 
ana, 106;  Georgia,  106;  Florida,  50;  South  Carolina,  51; 
North  Carolina,  50.  Over  eleven  hundred  men,  including  most 
of  Morgan's  raiders,  were  transferred  to  Camp  Douglas  on 
August  17  and  18,  and  comparative  quiet  settled  down  on 
Camp  Morton.  About  fifteen  hundred  prisoners  remained 
in  the  squalid  and  unhealthy  camp.  Twenty-six  men  had  died 
there  during  August,  and  ninety-eight  were  on  the  sick  list.32 

Inadequate  hospital  facilities  had  been  worrying  the  medical 
officers  all  spring  and  summer.  The  addition  to  the  City 
Hospital,  built  for  prisoners  from  the  prisoners'  fund,  had 
been  gradually  appropriated  for  Union  wounded  during  the 
last  quarter  of  1862  and  the  first  quarter  of  1863,  when  there 
were  very  few  Confederates  at  Camp  Morton.  When  the 
problem  of  accommodating  prisoner  sick  arose  again  with  the 
arrival  of  prisoners  from  the  Vicksburg  campaign,  there  were 
two  possible  ways  of  meeting  it:  (1)  the  Union  soldiers 
could  be  turned  out  of  one  wing  of  the  City  Hospital  and  the 
Confederates  moved  in,  in  which  case  a  new  hospital  would 
have  to  be  built  to  take  care  of  the  Federal  overflow;  (2)  the 
Union  soldiers  could  be  left  in  possession  of  the  City  Hospital 
and  new  quarters  provided  for  the  rebels  at  Camp  Morton. 

Local  officials  inclined  to  the  second  plan,  which  would 
keep  the  two  groups  of  hospital  cases  entirely  separate  and 

31Indianapolis  Journal,  August  18,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  September  23,  p.  3, 
c.  1 ;  Post  Special  Orders,  34,  36,  and  38,  Indianapolis,  August  19,  22,  and 
24,  1863,  Mereness  Calendar,  War  Department,  Northern  Department  Orders, 
Vol.  116,  pp.  59-61.  One  of  the  prisoners  who  took  the  oath  and  enlisted  in 
the  Seventh  Cavalry  came  off  winner  in  a  buffalo  chase  held  at  the  Fair- 
grounds in  September. 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  August  3,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  August  8,  p.  3,  c.  2,  3 ; 
August  15,  p.  3,  c.  2;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  19,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2 


eliminate  the  necessity  for  extra  guards  outside  the  camp.  If 
it  had  been  promptly  carried  out,  their  choice  would  have 
seemed  a  sensible  one,  but  they  neglected  to  report  the  circum- 
stances to  the  Commissary  General  of  Prisoners,  and  the  result 
was  an  agonizing  delay.  Meanwhile,  the  number  of  prisoners 
in  camp  doubled  and  trebled,  and  the  need  grew  desperate. 

Captain  Ekin,  of  the  quartermaster's  department,  tele- 
graphed to  Commissary  General  Meigs  early  in  June  that 
additional  hospital  space  was  "required"  at  Camp  Morton,  and 
suggested  that  a  temporary  addition  to  the  old  hospital  building 
would  meet  the  "emergency"  economically.  Four  days  later 
he  telegraphed  again  that  the  situation  was  urgent.33  There 
was  no  immediate  response,  but  some  weeks  later  a  medical 
inspector,  making  the  rounds  of  prison  camps  to  report  on  the 
causes  of  sickness  and  mortality,  stopped  at  Camp  Morton.34 

He  found  the  hospital  capacity  limited  to  eighty-three  old 
wooden  bunks,  some  of  them  occupied  by  two  patients. 
Bedding  was  scanty.  Even  air  space  was  woefully  limited — in 
some  wards  not  more  than  350  cubic  feet  per  man,  so  that  on 
a  blistering  summer  day  the  quarters  must  have  been  stifling. 
A  faulty  diet,  lacking  in  vegetables  except  for  an  occasional 
issue  of  potatoes,  also  operated  against  quick  recoveries.  In- 
spector Humphreys  earnestly  recommended  increased  accom- 
modations, and  Dr.  Bobbs  followed  up  with  a  request  for 
permission  to  buy  ice  for  the  hospitals.35 

Some  of  the  illness  was  attributed  by  Humphreys  to  the 
poor  drainage  of  the  camp.  The  little  ditch  which  the  prisoners 
called  "the  Potomac"  was  flooded  in  the  rainy  seasons,  while 
in  hot  dry  weather  it  disappeared  except  for  a  few  stagnant 
pools.  In  these  the  prisoners  washed  their  clothes.  Camp 
police  was  bad,  sinks  were  filthy,  and  barracks  were  over- 
crowded. Finally,  many  of  the  prisoners  disregarded  all  rules 
of  cleanliness  and  were  consequently  "profusely  verminous." 

From  this  report,   forwarded  to   him   from  the  Surgeon 

''Official  Records,  2  series,  V,  741,  762. 

^Report  of  Lewis  Humphreys,  July  3,  1863,  photostat  in  Indiana  Di- 
vision, Indiana  State  Library,  from  War  Department,  Northern  Department 
Letter  Books,  Vol.  199,  pp.  38-40. 

'"Ibid.,  p.  38. 


General's  office,  Colonel  Hoffman  apparently  received  his 
first  intimation  that  the  new  wing  of  the  City  Hospital  was 
no  longer  at  the  disposal  of  Confederate  prisoners.  On  July 
16,  1863,  he  wrote  to  General  Willcox  asking  for  information, 
and  expressing  his  desire  that  the  building  be  used  for  the 
purpose  for  which  it  had  been  erected.  Willcox  thereupon 
ordered  Bobbs  to  remove  part  of  the  Federal  sick  from  the 
City  Hospital  and  release  one  wing  for  prisoners.30 

Dr.  Bobbs  was  in  a  most  uncomfortable  position.  He  knew 
the  storm  that  such  a  move  would  provoke,  for  many  citizens 
were  already  passionately  indignant  at  the  hardships  Union 
prisoners  had  suffered  at  Libby  and  Belle  Isle  prisons  in 
Richmond,  and  some  had  gone  so  far  as  to  advocate  retaliation. 
Bobbs  hastily  filed  his  objections  with  the  Medical  Director 
of  the  Department  of  the  Ohio,  pointing  out  the  practical 
difficulties  involved  in  carrying  out  the  order,  and  the  certainty 
of  resentment  and  exasperation  among  the  people  of  Indiana. 
At  the  same  time  he  emphasized  the  immediate  need  for  enlarge- 
ment of  the  hospital  at  Camp  Morton.  The  result  was  the 
suspension  of  Willcox's  order,  and  instructions  to  place  the 
Confederate  sick  in  tents  if  necessary.37  Bobbs  could  only 
hope  that  a  new  appeal  through  the  quartermaster's  depart- 
ment would  be  more  effective.  In  the  meantime  some  tents 
were  put  into  service  for  hospital  cases.38 

After  reading  the  official  reports  referred  to  above,  it  is 
difficult  to  explain  an  item  which  appeared  in  the  Indianapolis 
Sentinel  of  August  28,  quoting  Dr.  Funkhouser  to  the  effect 
that  hospital  arrangements  at  Camp  Morton  were  admirable, 
and  that  everything  necessary  was  done  for  the  comfort  of 
sick  rebel  prisoners  in  the  city.39     It  is   probable  that  camp 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  122-23;  Bobbs  to  W.  H.  Church,  Medical 
Director,  Department  of  the  Ohio,  July  26,  1863,  photostat,  in  Indiana 
Division,  Indiana  State  Library,  from  War  Department,  Northern  Depart- 
ment Letter  Books,  Vol.  199,  pp.  51-53. 

37Bobbs  to  Church,  op.  cit. 

38Bobbs  to  Ekin,  July  24,  1863,  and  Ekin  to  Meigs,  same  date,  Mereness 
Calendar,  War  Department,  Quartermaster  General,  Letters  Received ;  Bobbs 
to  J.  T.  Carpenter,  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  September  10,  1863,  ibid.,  War  Depart- 
ment, Northern  Department  Letter  Books,  Vol.  199,  pp.  91-92. 

39Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  28,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1. 


officials  were  guarding  against  any  public  outcry  on  behalf 
of  the  prisoners  that  might  provide  fuel  for  secession  sym- 
pathizers. A  similar  item,  appearing  a  few  days  later  and 
commenting  on  the  issue  of  blankets  to  the  prisoners  during 
the  recent  cool  weather,  ended  with  a  distinct  note  of  self- 
satisfaction  :  "We  certainly,  here  in  Indiana,  will  treat  our 
prisoners  of  war  as  men  unfortunately  in  our  hands,  and  we 
ardently  hope  that  brave  and  gallant  Hoosiers  in  limbo  in  the 
South  will  be  likewise  looked  after."40 

Actually  conditions  grew  steadily  worse,  and  there  was  no 
hope  for  improvement  as  long  as  command  of  the  camp  con- 
tinued to  be  transferred  at  short  intervals.  Hamilton,  who 
had  taken  charge  on  July  23,  was  transferred  elsewhere  some- 
time before  September  23,  and  Captain  Guthridge  was  recalled 
for  a  second  brief  term  as  stop-gap  commandant.41 

The  guards  at  Camp  Morton  during  this  period  were  the 
Fifty-first  and  Seventy-third  Indiana  regiments,  whose  offi- 
cers were  still  held  prisoners  at  Richmond.  Several  months 
on  parole,  and  the  lack  of  any  commissioned  officers  except 
seven  who  had  been  recently  appointed,  had  left  them  badly 
demoralized  and  undisciplined.42  Quick  to  take  advantage  of 
a  slack  guard,  numbers  of  prisoners  started  laying  plans  for 
escape.  One  group,  after  working  for  twelve  days  on  a  tunnel 
under  the  north  fence  of  the  enclosure,  was  betrayed  on  the 
eve  of  escape ;  several  other  groups  were  caught  after  they  had 
got  outside  the  enclosure ;  but  thirty- five  men  got  safely  awray 
between  the  first  of  August  and  the  end  of  October.43 

In  September,  Medical  Inspector  Humphreys  visited  Camp 
Morton  again,  and  added  to  his  earlier  complaints  other  dis- 
tressing comments :  there  were  dead  animals  near  the  camp ; 
the   post-mortem   rooms   and   dead   house   were   not   in   good 

"'Ibid.,  August  31,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

41The  date  of  the  transfer  has  not  been  found.  Hamilton  was  still  in 
command  on  August  25  (Indianapolis  Journal,  August  25,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2), 
and  Guthridge  had  succeeded  him  by  September  23  (ibid.,  September  23, 
1863,  p.  3,  c.  1). 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  143-44,  492-93- 

iZPost,  p.  379;  Indianapolis  Journal,  September  23,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Indian- 
apolis Sentinel,  September  24,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2. 


condition ;  the  largest  barracks  was  unfit  for  winter  use.44  But 
this  was  mild  in  comparison  with  the  scorching  report  made 
on  October  22  by  Augustus  M.  Clark,  another  medical  inspector. 
It  is  quoted  in  full  because  it  covers  the  physical  condition  of 
the  camp  with  such  thoroughness,  and  shows  the  difficult  situ- 
ation faced  by  the  commandant  who  took  office  on  that  date  :45 
"Designation  of  camp — Camp  Morton.  Commander  of 
camp — Captain  Guthridge,  Forty-eighth  Indiana  Volunteers, 
this  day  relieved  by  Colonel  Stevens,  Invalid  Corps.  Command 
and  strength — prisoners,  rebel  officers,  7;  rebel  soldiers,  2,325  ; 
civilians,  30 ;  total,  2,362.  Location  of  camp — one  mile  and  a 
half  north  of  Indianapolis,  Ind.  Time  occupied — about 
eighteen  months.  Water,  source  and  supply — by  pumps  from 
wells,  five  in  number ;  supply,  sufficient.  Water,  quality  and 
effects — good,  slightly  alkaline.  Fuel — wood  and  coal.  Soil — 
clay  and  sand,  muddy.  Drainage — bad  from  want  of  atten- 
tion; ditches  and  drains  choked  with  rubbish.  Topography — 
ground  level,  some  trees,  deep  ditch,  formerly  bed  of  a  creek 
running  through  middle  of  camp.  Police  of  camp — very 
bad.  Discipline  in  camp — lax.  Tents  or  huts,  position — bar- 
racks on  north  and  west  sides  of  square.  Tents  or  huts,  pattern 
and  quality — one  story  and  in  dilapidated  condition.  Tents  or 
huts,  ventilation — only  ventilated  from  dilapidation.  Tents 
or  huts,  sufficiency — the  barracks  at  present  used  for  prison 
purposes  are  sufficient  for  2,000  to  2,200  prisoners.  Tents 
or  huts,  heating — stoves  in  a  few  of  the  barracks.  Sinks, 
construction — exceedingly  faulty,  two  excavations  about  twenty 
feet  long,  five  feet  wide,  two  feet  deep,  entirely  open.  Sinks, 
condition  and  position — very  foul,  one  on  north  side  about  25 
feet  in  rear  of  barracks;  on  west  side  about  100  feet  in 
rear.  Sinks,  management — no  management  at  all.  Removal 
of  offal,  &c. — unattended  to;  the  central  ditch  is  a  general 
receptacle  for  refuse  of  all  kinds.  Previous  use  of  camp — 
State  fair-ground.  Rations — abundant  and  of  good  quality. 
Cooking  in  camp — by  prisoners  over  camp-fires.     Inspection 

"Quoted  in  John  M.  Cuyler  to  the  Surgeon  General,  October  13,  1863, 
photostat  in  Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State  Library,  from  War  Depart- 
ment, Northern  Department  Letter  Books,  Vol.  199,  pp.  1 18-19. 

450fficial  Records,  2  series,  VI,  424-26. 


of  food — said  to  be  inspected  by  commanding  officer.  Portable 
ovens — none,  bread  furnished  by  commissary.  Vegetables — 
potatoes  only. 

"Cleanliness  of  men  and  clothing — foul;  bathing  and 
laundry  facilities  entirely  insufficient.  Quality  and  quantity 
of  clothing  obtained  from  quartermaster's  department — suf- 
ficient. Blankets  and  bedding — insufficient  both  in  hospital 
and  camp;  no  satisfactory  reason  given  therefor.  Condition 
of  men — in  barracks,  exceedingly  foul;  in  hospital,  miserable. 
Hospital  buildings — two,  one  dilapidated  and  utterly  unfit  for 
use;  the  other  (former  guard-house)  in  good  condition,  but 
much  overcrowded.  Hospital  tents — six,  destitute  of  stoves 
or  other  means  of  heating.  Hospital  police — very  much 
neglected,  especially  in  cook-house,  which  is  in  filthy  condition. 
Hospital  discipline — none  to  speak  of.  Hospital  diet  and 
cooking — very  little  if  any  attention  paid  by  officers.  Hospital 
heat  and  ventilation — heated  sufficiently  by  stoves  except  in 
tents ;  the  guard-house  ward  is  properly  ventilated,  the  other 
only  by  dilapidation.  Hospital  capacity — 36  in  tents,  12  in 
guard-house  ward;  total,  48.  Number  sick — 216;  of  these  125 
are  in  barracks  who  should  be  in  hospital  and  well  taken  care 
of.  State  of  medical  supplies — sufficient,  but  very  disorderly 
kept.  State  of  surgical  instruments — none  in  hospital.  State 
of  hospital  records — carelessly  kept.  State  of  hospital  fund — 
$368,  September  30,  1863.  Reports — carelessly  made.  Medi- 
cal attendance — virtually  none.  Nursing — by  prisoners. 
Interments — by  contract.  Diseases,  local — pulmonic,  diarrhea, 
several  cases  of  scurvy.  Diseases,  prevention  of — no  care 
taken.  Recoveries  from  diseases — slow  and  uncertain.  Mor- 
tality from  diseases — during  the  month  of  September  23  out 
of  183  patients  died,  being  over  12.45  Per  cent-  Medical 
officer — Acting  Assistant  Surgeon  Funkhauser.  This  officer 
is  utterly  unfit  for  the  post  he  holds.  I  am  informed  that  his 
contract  is  for  $100  per  month.  This  requires  him  to  devote 
his  whole  time  to  his  hospital  and  camp  duties  to  the  exclusion 
of  all  outside  business.  I  am  also  informed  that  he  has  a  large 
outside  practice,  and  that  he  usually  (and  sometimes  omitting 
even  this)  visits  the  camp  not  to  exceed  half  an  hour  daily, 
leaving  the  almost  entire  charge  of  the  sick  and  everything 


pertaining  to  the  sanitary  management  of  the  camp  to  an 
enlisted  man,  who,  though  he  has  paid  some  attention  to  the 
study  of  medicine,  and  endeavors  to  do  his  best,  is  entirely 
unequal  to  the  proper  discharge  of  these  duties.  As  a  conse- 
quence of  this  the  sick  are  neglected  or  improperly  treated :  the 
ratio  of  mortality  is  unwarrantably  large,  the  hospital  is  in  a 
most  lamentable  condition,  and  the  general  sanitary  manage- 
ment of  the  camp  is  utterly  neglected.  I  would  respectfully 
suggest  that  this  officer  be  at  once  removed  and  a  competent 
man  assigned  in  his  stead. 

"As  the  foregoing  report  will  show,  this  camp  is  a  disgrace 
to  the  name  of  military  prison.  It  is  filthy  in  every  respect. 
The  vicinity  of  the  sinks  is  obvious  for  many  yards  around, 
they  being  perfectly  open;  no  attempt  made  to  disinfect  them. 
They  are,  moreover,  insufficient  in  number.  The  seven  rebel 
officers  confined  here  are  crowded  into  a  small  room  about 
ten  by  twelve  and  eight  feet  high.  In  this  they  sleep,  live,  and 
cook.  There  are  good  natural  facilities  for  drainage,  but  the 
drains  are  choked  with  rubbish,  and  the  large  central  ditch  is 
a  grand  receptacle  for  the  refuse  of  the  whole  camp.  The 
main  hospital  ward  is  in  so  dilapidated  a  condition  that  the 
patients  are  obliged  to  fasten  their  blankets  along  the  wall  for 
partial  protection  from  wind  and  weather,  and  are  thus  de- 
prived of  the  necessary  covering.  In  fact,  every  patient  whom 
I  examined  had  more  or  less  of  pulmonary  trouble  accompany- 
ing his  disease,  whatever  it  might  be.  The  hospital  cookhouse 
was  in  filthy  condition,  and  the  food  which  had  just  been 
prepared  for  dinner  at  the  time  of  my  visit  was  most  miserably 
cooked.  I  found  the  bath  and  wash  house  used  for  storing 
straw  for  bedding.  The  hospital  fund  is  not  expended  with 
sufficient  freedom  in  procuring  comforts  for  the  sick,  nor 
could  I  ascertain  that  any  account  of  the  less  perishable  articles, 
as  table  furniture,  &c,  purchased  from  the  fund  is  kept.  The 
commanding  officer  states  that  he  has  been  directed  to  erect 
two  additional  hospital  barracks,  but  they  are  not  as  yet  com- 
menced.    The  prison  fund  on  hand  September  30,  1863,  was 


$959.68.     This  fund  is  drawn  on  for  repairs,  cooking,  police, 
utensils,  &c,  of  which  an  account  is  kept. 

A.  M.  Clark, 

and  Acting  Medical  Inspector  of  Prisoners  of  War/' 

On  the  strength  of  this  report,  Hoffman  refused  to  allow 
Funkhouser's  account  for  services,  and  wrote  to  the  Surgeon 
General  asking  that  "a  competent  surgeon  with  an  assist- 
ant ...  be  ordered  for  duty  at  the  camp  without  delay."46 
Funkhouser  defended  himself  against  Clark's  charges,  asserting 
that  he  had  visited  all  patients  at  least  once  every  day,  and 
usually  twice,  in  addition  to  looking  after  the  men  of  the  Fifth 
Regiment,  Invalid  Corps,  recently  quartered  at  Camp  Burnside. 
"It  is  no  fault  of  mine,"  he  said  bitterly,  "that  the  Hospital 
Buildings  have  been  exceedingly  defective  consisting  of  several 
old  rickety  sheds,  a  few  Hospital  tents  together  with  some 
Wall  and  Bell  Tents  and  Boards  put  together  according  to  no 
well  established  Style  of  architecture,  which  doubtless  have 
prejudiced  in  some  degree  the  mind  of  Med.  Inspector  Clark. 
Better  buildings  you  are  aware  were  ordered,  sometime  ago, 
but  for  good  reasons  doubtless  their  construction  has  been 
delayed."  Bobbs  supported  him,  and  asked  for  further  con- 
sideration of  the  case,  but  Funkhouser  was  replaced  by 
Dr.  W.  A.  Johnson.47 

The  "better  buildings"  which  Funkhouser  mentioned,  were 
two  new  hospital  wards,  which  were  not  opened  until  Decem- 
ber, 1863,  and  were  not  even  then  complete.  They  were 
designed  to  increase  the  hospital  capacity  to  160,  allowing  800 
cubic  feet  of  air  to  each  patient,  and  could  be  made  to  accom- 
modate more  than  that  number  in  emergencies.  These  wards 
were   built   by   the   quartermaster's   department;   to    pay    for 

iQOfficial  Records,  2  series,  VI,  442-43. 

47Funkhouser  to  Bobbs,  November  14,  1863,  and  Bobbs  to  Ekin,  Novem- 
ber 20,  photostat  in  Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State  Library,  from  War 
Department,  Northern  Department  Letter  Books,  Vol.  199,  pp.  137-40;  Bobbs 
to  R.  C.  Wood,  Louisville,  Kentucky,  February  27,  and  March  4,  1864, 
Mereness  Calendar,  War  Department,  Northern  Department  Letter  Books, 
Vol.  199,  pp.  325,  345 ;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  879. 


them,  an  exchange  for  the  prisoners'  wing  of  the  City  Hospital 
was  suggested,  and  may  have  been  made.48 

48Indianapolis  Sentinel,  November  2,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Ekin  to  Quarter- 
master General  Meigs,  October  31,  1863,  Mereness  Calendar,  War  Depart- 
ment, Quartermaster  General,  Letters  Received ;  Official  Records,  2  series, 
VI,  879,  880;  Carnahan,  Camp  Morton,  21-22. 

STEVENS,   1863-64 

Colonel  Ambrose  A.  Stevens,  the  new  commandant,  was 
regarded  as  a  capable  and  intelligent  officer.  He  had 
served  as  lieutenant  colonel  and  colonel  with  the  Michigan 
troops,   was  wounded  at   Perrysville,   Kentucky,    in   October, 

1862,  and  resigned  the  next  February.  When  the  Invalid 
Corps,  later  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps,1  was  created,  Stevens 
received  an  appointment  as  major  of  the  Fifth  Regiment. 
This  regiment  was  ordered  to  Indianapolis  early  in  September, 

1863,  to  relieve  the  Indiana  troops  on  guard  at  Camp 
Morton.  On  September  25,  Stevens  was  advanced  to  a 
colonelcy,  and  on  October  22,  was  placed  in  command  of 
Camp  Morton.2 

Stevens  held  this  position  until  the  end  of  the  war,  and  was 
accounted  an  admirable  commandant  by  the  authorities,  who 
were  chiefly  interested  in  preventing  disturbances  at  the  camp. 
His  talents  were  not  sufficiently  diverse  to  make  him  entirely 
successful:  although  he  was  well-intentioned,  he  lacked  dis- 
cernment and  intuition  in  dealing  with  the  prisoners,  and  he 
was  not  impelled  by  the  zeal  on  their  behalf  which  made  Owen 
unique  among  camp  commandants.3 

Thomas  Sturgis,  in  Prisoners  of  War,  1861-65  (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons, 
1912)  268-69,  gives  an  amusing  explanation  of  the  change  of  name.  The 
Invalid  Corps  was  recruited  for  guard  and  garrison  duty  from  men  who 
were  incapacitated  for  active  service  by  wounds  or  disease.  They  wore  on 
their  light  blue  uniforms  the  insignia  I.  C,  also  used  by  the  quartermaster's 
department  to  designate  property  which  had  been  "inspected  and  condemned." 
The  rebels  soon  learned  the  double  significance  of  the  lettering  and  joyously 
christened  the  Invalid  Corps  the  "Condemned  Yanks."  To  rescue  its  gallant 
veterans  from  this  unholy  ridicule,  the  Government  renamed  the  Corps 
Veteran  Reserves. 

2Francis  B.  Heitman,  Historical  Register  .  .  .  of  the  United  States 
Army  .  .  .,  I  (Washington,  D.  C,  1903),  p.  922;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
September  11,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1;  October  27,  p.  3,  c.  1.  The  Fifty-first  and 
Seventy-third  Indiana  regiments,  which  had  been  guarding  prisoners,  left 
for  Tennessee  on  October  23.    Ibid.,  October  26,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

3Terrell,   Report,  I,   Appendix,  p.   285 ;   Indianapolis   Sentinel,  July  30, 

1864,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  71 ;  Carnahan,  Camp  Morton, 



His  first  report  indicates  his  limitations.  Hoffman  had 
sent  him  a  copy  of  the  rules  governing  prisoners'  camps,  and 
asked  for  a  full  report  on  conditions  at  Camp  Morton.  Stevens' 
reply  was  made  on  November  9,  after  a  little  more  than  two 
weeks  in  his  new  post.4  It  is  a  short,  colorless  document, 
substantiating  without  comment  or  amplification  the  criticisms 
made  by  Inspector  Clark.5 

Stevens  devoted  more  than  half  his  letter  to  the  shortcom- 
ings of  the  old  guard  and  his  plans  for  the  new  one.  As  a 
preventive  against  further  escapes,  the  daily  patrols  had  been 
increased  from  141  to  160  men,  and  again  to  200,  a  number 
that  he  thought  might  be  reduced  if  the  guards  had  revolvers 
in  addition  to  their  muskets.6  The  unfitness  of  the  barracks 
for  winter  occupancy  and  the  insufficiency  of  the  hospitals 
were  disposed  of  in  two  sentences,  and  the  proposed  remedies 
in  two  more :  "New  and  commodious  hospitals  are  at  present 
being  erected  for  the  accommodation  of  the  sick.  Repairing 
of  the  barracks  had  been  commenced  by  Captain  Guthridge, 
former  commandant,  which  are  now  being  continued,  and  when 
completed  will  be  capable  of  accommodating  3,000  prisoners." 

Stevens  might  have  expatiated  a  little  on  these  matters,  for 
the  "commodious"  new  hospitals  were  designed  to  care  for 
only  160  cases  while  the  sick  list  was  over  two  hundred,  and 
already  the  number  of  prisoners  in  camp  was  nearing  or  had 
passed  the  three  thousand  mark.  He  might  have  mentioned 
also  that  repairs  to  the  barracks  did  not  go  beyond  the  squeez- 
ing in  of  extra  bunks  and  a  coat  of  whitewash.  They  remained 
unfloored,  badly  heated,  and  badly  ventilated. 

Reaching  the  subject  of  the  prisoners,  Stevens  contented 
himself  with  remarking:  "I  found  the  prisoners  generally 
supplied  with  necessaries,  though  in  a  poor  state  of  health.  The 
cause  I  am  unable  to  determine,  as  our  own  troops  quartered 
near  them  and  equally  crowded  enjoyed  excellent  health." 

'Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  445-46. 

5 Ibid.,  VI,  492-93- 

6On  November  27,  1863,  Hoffman  recommended  to  Stanton  that  400 
revolvers  and  25,000  rounds  of  ammunition  be  sent  to  each  prison  camp.  Camp 
Morton  received  its  share  early  in  December.  Official  Records,  2  series, 
VI,  584,  650. 


Unfortunately  for  the  prisoners  then  at  Camp  Morton  and 
in  all  the  other  stations  north  and  south,  the  Union  and  Con- 
federate governments  had  reached  an  impasse  on  the  subject 
of  exchanges.7  While  the  agents  of  the  two  governments 
quarreled  over  terms  of  parole,  equivalents,  and  the  status  of 
negro  soldiers,  the  despondent  prisoners  watched  their  hopes 
of  early  release  dwindle  and  disappear.  Public  indignation  at 
the  interruption  of  exchange  was  fed  by  the  efforts  of  each 
government  to  fasten  the  blame  on  the  other.  In  the  North, 
ugly  stories  about  the  southern  prisons  were  given  much  prom- 
inence, and  Secretary  Stanton  began  to  threaten  retaliation.  On 
November  9,  1863,  he  wrote  to  Major  General  Ethan  A. 
Hitchcock,  Union  commissioner  for  exchange  :8  "You  will 
please  report  what  measures  you  have  taken  to  ascertain  the 
treatment  of  United  States  prisoners  by  the  rebels  at  Rich- 
mond, and  you  are  directed  to  take  measures  for  precisely 
similar  treatment  toward  all  the  prisoners  held  by  the  United 
States,  in  respect  to  food,  clothing,  medical  treatment,  and 
other  necessaries." 

Hitchcock  replied  that  if  treatment  of  Union  prisoners  at 
Richmond  was  what  rumor  represented,  retaliation  "would 
result  in  an  uprising  of  the  prisoners  against  their  guards  at 
Camps  Morton  and  Chase,"  and  probably  at  other  places  where 
the  means  of  security  were  slender.9  General  Halleck  deplored 
the  adoption  of  a  retaliatory  policy  on  the  more  lofty  ground  that 
resort  to  "this  extreme  right,"  though  fully  justified  by  the  laws 
and  usages  of  war,  was  revolting  to  the  sense  of  humanity.10 
What  followed  was  a  series  of  everchanging  regulations, 
based  one  moment  on  the  theory  that  what  was  good  enough 
for  a  Union  prisoner  was  good  enough  for  a  Confederate, 
and  the  next  on  the  theory  that  the  Federal  Government  must 
uphold  a  standard  of  generous  treatment  to  prisoners  of  war. 
It  was  difficult  for  the  North  to  defend  the  imposition  of 
unnecessary  hardships  on  prisoners,  in  view  of  its  relatively 
ample  resources  of  money  and  food.     The  medical  inspectors 

7Hesseltine,  Civil  War  Prisons,  99-113. 
^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  485- 
•Ibid.,  VI,  486. 
"Ibid.,  VI,  523-24. 


had  no  sympathy  with  such  a  policy,  and  the  public,  though 
it  might  clamor  for  retaliation,  abhorred  it  in  practice.  As  a 
result  of  this  uncertain  course,  camp  commanders  had  to  be 
ready  to  alter  their  rules  at  a  moment's  notice :  they  must  take 
respectful  account  of  restrictive  orders  about  food  and  cloth- 
ing, but  they  must  also  avoid  stirring  up  any  hornets'  nests 
by  allowing  reports  to  go  out  that  prisoners  were  underfed  or 
half  frozen.  The  commandant  who  failed  to  preserve  his 
balance  on  this  tightrope  was  liable  to  a  sharp  reprimand. 

At  Camp  Morton  chilly  weather  had  set  in  early,  its  first 
blasts  foretelling  a  winter  of  extreme  cold  and  heavy  snows. 
The  shivering  Confederates  found  no  comfort  now  in  the 
open  spaces  that  were  Camp  Morton's  greatest  asset  in  spring 
and  summer,  and  none  in  the  barracks,  crowded  toward  the  end 
of  October  by  hundreds  of  additional  prisoners  from  the 
Chattanooga  area.11  They  packed  the  wooden  sheds  and 
overflowed  into  tents. 

The  new  arrivals  looked  shabby  and  forlorn.  Tattered 
remnants  of  the  clothes  in  which  they  had  begun  the  summer 
campaign  scarcely  covered  their  thin  bodies.  Many  had  no 
shoes.  Wounds,  exhaustion,  and  hunger  brought  them  to 
Indianapolis  "as  nearly  dead  as  alive,"  defenseless  against  the 
unaccustomed  cold,  and  prime  subjects  for  pneumonia,  bron- 
chitis, and  typho-malarial  fevers.  In  November  the  list  of 
sick  climbed  to  328,  and  deaths  totaled  68. 12 

Hoffman  had  requested  Commissary  General  Meigs  to 
reserve  fifteen  thousand  suits  of  inferior  clothing,  the  same 
quantity  of  blankets,  and  a  larger  number  of  shirts  for  the 
use  of  prisoners  during  the  winter,  but  these  had  to  be  doled 
out  sparingly  because  nobody  knew  how  many  prisoners  might 
be  added  to  the  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  already  in  the 
western  camps.13    The  garments  furnished  by  the  Government 

"Chattanooga  prisoners  continued  to  arrive  until  the  last  week  in 
November.  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  October  17,  1863,  p.  3,  c'.  1 ;  November  2, 
p.  3,  c.  1 ;  November  6,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  November  21,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indianapolis 
Journal,  October  19,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2;  October  21,  p.  3,  c.  1;  November  11, 
p.  3,  c.  2;  November  12,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  November  20,  p.  3,  c.  3. 

"Carnahan,  Camp  Morton,  24,  quoting  J.  W.  Hosman,  hospital  steward 
from  1863  to  1865.    Post,  p.  379. 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  468. 


Commandant,  Camp  Morton,  1863-65 


were  of  regulation  blue ;  to  make  sure  that  they  were  not  used 
as  a  disguise  by  escaping  Johnny  Rebs,  the  coats  were  shorn  of 
their  buttons  and  long  skirts,  and  incidentally  made  less  effec- 
tive protection  against  the  cold.  The  prisoners  hated  the 
bobtailed  Federal  uniforms.14 

At  Camp  Morton  blankets  and  clothing  were  issued  to 
the  most  destitute  cases  only.  Stevens  had  reason  to  think 
that  a  small  distribution  was  all  that  would  be  approved,  for 
Hoffman  wrote  on  November  12:  "For  the  present  you  will 
issue  no  clothing  of  any  kind  except  in  cases  of  utmost  neces- 
sity. So  long  as  a  prisoner  has  clothing  upon  him,  however 
much  torn,  you  must  issue  nothing  to  him,  nor  must  you  allow 
him  to  receive  clothing  from  any  but  members  of  his  im- 
mediate family,  and  only  when  they  are  in  absolute  want."15 

The  order  was  applied  too  literally  to  meet  general  approval, 
however.  Captain  Ekin,  of  the  quartermaster's  department, 
who  had  been  in  charge  of  erecting  the  two  new  hospital  wards, 
thought  that  the  patients  were  insufficiently  clad,  and  without 
notifying  Stevens,  telegraphed  Hoffman  that  they  needed 
drawers,  socks,  and  shirts.  Hoffman  promptly  turned  on 
Stevens,  writing  on  December  17 :16  "This  state  of  things 
should  not  exist,  nor  is  it  proper  that  the  information  should 
come  to  me  through  Captain  Ekin.  .  .  .  there  is  no  good 
[reason]  why  at  any  time  there  should  be  any  deficiency 
of  necessary  articles." 

Prisoners  were  still  receiving  sufficient  rations  in  Novem- 
ber, although  lack  of  fresh  vegetables  induced  some  scurvy. 
The  daily  issue  was  three  quarters  of  a  pound  of  bacon  or  a 
pound  of  fresh  beef,  good  wheat  bread,  hominy,  coffee,  tea, 
sugar,  vinegar,  candles,  soap,  salt,  pepper,  potatoes,  and 
molasses.  The  food  was  of  good  quality,  but  each  man  cooked 
for  himself,   or  with  a  small  group  of    friends,   and  in   this 

uIbid.,  VI,  503-4. 

^Ibid.;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  November  2,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2.  Clothing 
supplied  by  the  prisoners'  families  was  required  to  be  gray  in  color.  Official 
Records,  2  series,  VI,  257. 

1QJbid.,  VI,  713.  See  also  Hoffman's  letter  of  February  19,  1864,  to 
Brigadier  General  H.  D.  Terry,  commanding  at  Sandusky,  Ohio.    Ibid.,  VI, 


haphazard  preparation  wasted  food  and  fuel,  and  ruined  his 
digestive  system.  Hoffman  undertook  to  reduce  the  losses  by 
installing  huge  kettles  called  "Farmers'  boilers,"  in  which 
from  30  to  120  gallons  of  soup  or  stew  could  be  prepared 
at  once,  but  as  usual  the  reform  was  accomplished  slowly.17 

The  prisoner  who  had  credit  at  the  commandant's  office 
could  vary  his  diet  with  purchases  from  the  camp  sutler.  He 
was  also  allowed  to  receive  boxes  of  food  from  friends  and 
relatives.  On  the  first  of  December,  1863,  both  these 
privileges  were  suddenly  cut  off  by  Stanton's  order — no  more 
milk,  butter,  eggs,  or  canned  fruit ;  worst  of  all,  no  more 
tobacco.  The  deprivation  of  tobacco  caused  more  discontent 
than  the  short  allowance  of  clothing,  and  Hoffman  recom- 
mended that  it  be  supplied  from  the  prison  fund  rather  than 
risk  disturbances.  Altogether,  this  experiment  in  retaliation 
was  proving  more  awkward  than  anyone  had  anticipated. 
Sutlers  had  supplied  postage  stamps,  letter  paper,  some 
underclothing,  and  other  articles  that  were  constantly  in 
demand.     Were  these  to  be  cut  off  too?18 

During  November  and  December  the  Confederate  Govern- 
ment allowed  quantities  of  blankets  and  provisions  to  be 
delivered  by  the  Federal  and  state  governments  to  Union 
prisoners  in  the  South.  It  was  also  reported  that  the  person- 
nel of  the  southern  prison  commissariat  had  been  changed  for 
the  better.  By  the  end  of  December  Stanton  was  convinced 
that  the  condition  of  Federal  prisoners  had  been  materially 
improved,  and  sent  word  to  Hoffman  to  make  up  a  list  of 
articles  which  Confederate  prisoners  might  purchase.  Sale 
of  tobacco,  pipes,  writing  materials,  and  stamps  was  thereafter 
permitted,  but  for  two  freezing  months  when  extra  food  would 
have  been  painfully  welcome  to  the  prisoners,  none  was 
allowed  them.19 

The  turn  of  the  year  was  stormy  and  fearfully  cold.  At 
one  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  Thursday,  December  31,  the 
temperature  in  Indianapolis  stood  at  400 — raw  and  chilling, 
but  not  severe  to  men  accustomed  to  exposure.     During  the 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  660-61,  702,  878. 
18Ibid.,  VI,  625,  628-29,  649-50,  701-2. 
19Ibid.,  VI,  774,  948,  967. 


afternoon  the  mercury  began  a  relentless  descent ;  at  eleven 
o'clock  it  passed  the  zero  mark,  and  before  sunrise  on  New 
Year's  Day  had  reached  20°  below.  The  cold  wave  extended 
far  to  the  west  and  north,  and  south  to  Nashville,  Tennessee. 
It  closed  over  the  Mississippi,  freezing  it  clear  across,  "solid," 
the  newspapers  said,  so  that  for  several  days  heavy  teams  were 
able  to  cross  on  the  ice.20 

With  the  cold  came  a  furious  swirling  snowstorm  that 
half  buried  the  town,  blocking  streets  and  stopping  railroad 
transportation  north  and  south.  There  was  no  comfort  any- 
where. New  Year's  Eve  gatherings  at  the  most  luxurious 
homes  in  town  were  afterwards  remembered  less  for  their 
warmth  and  gaiety  than  because  the  guests  barely  escaped 
freezing  on  the  way  home.  But  this  discomfort  could  be 
laughed  at  next  day.  At  the  other  end  of  town,  misery  was 
not  a  matter  of  an  hour.  It  fastened  upon  Camp  Morton  a 
grip  that  did  not  loosen  for  weeks. 

Dismayed  officials  hurried  about,  making  what  provision 
they  could  for  prisoners  and  guards.  Raids  on  the  city  wood 
yards  yielded  a  double  ration  of  four-foot  sticks  for  the  cast- 
iron  stoves  in  the  barracks,  and  huge  camp  fires  were  built  in 
the  enclosure.  Extra  straw  was  distributed  too,  but  not  enough 
to  stop  the  sweep  of  wind  and  snow  through  cracks  in  the 
walls.  (The  total  quantity  of  straw  issued  in  December  was 
24,376  pounds — with  3,372  prisoners,  each  man's  share  was 
about  8  pounds.)21  Finally,  division  by  division,  the  prisoners 
were  marched  past  headquarters,  where  seven  hundred  blankets 
and  many  pairs  of  shoes  were  given  out.22  Colonel  Stevens 
had  let  regulations  go  by  the  board  in  his  efforts  to  secure 

^Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  r,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  2,  5  ;  January  4,  p.  3,  c.  1  ; 
Indianapolis  Journal,  January  1,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  4;  January  2,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  January 
4.  P-  3,  c.  1  . 

21Carnahan,  Camp  Morton,  26,  28.  The  issues  of  wood  and  straw  for 
the  winter  months  are  given  as  follows : 

November,  1863,  wood  542  cords ;  straw,  16,000  pounds 

December,  1863,  wood,  675  cords ;  straw,  24,376  pounds 

January,  1864,  wood,  600  cords;  straw,  12,988  pounds 

February,  1864,  wood,  560  cords ;  straw,    8,818  pounds. 

""Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine, 
XLII,  761,  762. 


extra  clothing.  On  January  2,  on  the  principle  that  confession 
of  sin  should  follow  as  soon  as  possible  on  its  commission,  he 
sent  off  to  Washington  duplicate  requisitions  and  an  account 
of  the  emergency.23 

In  spite  of  these  efforts  at  relief,  suffering  was  intense. 
On  the  long  shelves  that  served  as  bunks,  the  prisoners  lay 
huddled  together,  usually  in  groups  of  three,  with  one  man's 
blanket  and  a  little  straw  beneath  them,  and  the  other  two 
blankets,  or  more,  if  they  were  lucky,  spread  above.  It  was 
customary  to  take  turns  occupying  the  middle  space,  but 
occasionally  someone  was  allowed  to  keep  it  permanently  as  a 
concession  to  extreme  youth  or  frailty.  The  men  slept  spoon 
fashion — it  made  a  shorter  line  and  the  blankets  lay  a  little 
thicker — and  at  intervals  through  the  unhappy  night,  a  shiver- 
ing end  man  would  order  his  file  to  "Spoon!",  a  command 
that  was  answered  by  a  mighty  flop,  as  precisely  executed  as 
any  maneuver  on  the  parade  ground.24  None  of  the  expedients 
so  painfully  learned  during  the  first  weeks  of  winter  proved 
efficacious  on  the  last  night  of  1863.  The  cold  struck  in  to 
the  men's  very  bones. 

Outside,  the  guards  were  kept  at  their  patrols,  although 
there  was  little  likelihood  that  any  prisoners  would  be  fool- 
hardy enough  to  make  a  break  on  such  a  night.  Officers  took 
their  watches  with  the  men.  They  were  ordered  off  the 
exposed  sentinels'  walk  along  the  outside  of  the  fence  to  make 
their  rounds  inside  the  enclosure,  and  they  were  relieved  every 
hour,  or  oftener  on  call.  The  cry  "Officer  of  the  Gua-a-a-rd, 
Post  Number  5,"  usually  meant  that  a  sentry's  feet  or  hands 
were  frosted.  A  number  of  them  went  to  the  hospital  next 
day,  and  some  suffered  lasting  injuries.25  At  the  other  camps 
in  town,  officers  called  in  the  sentinels,  trusting  the  bitterness 
of  the  night  to  keep  off  marauders  and  camp  followers. 

szOfficial  Records,  2  series,  VI,  809. 

24Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI, 


^Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  4,  1864;  Indianapolis  Journal,  January  2, 
1864,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  January  4,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  January  5,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Carnahan,  Camp 
Morton,  27 ;  "Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century 
Magazine,  XLII,  761.  , 


Under  the  stimulation  of  such  extraordinary  weather, 
rumor  outran  the  distressing  actuality:  from  ten  to  fifteen 
prisoners  were  said  to  have  frozen  to  death  on  New  Year's 
Eve ;  a  guard  had  succumbed  from  exposure  after  being  tied  to 
a  tree  to  keep  him  at  his  post ;  soldiers  had  frozen  to  death 
on  stalled  railroad  trains.20  Such  stories  were  dangerous,  and 
the  Governor  ordered  General  Carrington  to  investigate  condi- 
tions in  every  camp  in  town.  His  report  was  calculated  to  quiet 
all  outcry :  there  had  been  no  deaths  or  serious  injury  among 
the  guards ;  there  was  less  sickness  among  the  prisoners  than 
usual;  and  they  lacked  nothing  indispensable  to  their  health 
and  comfort.  The  men  were  described  as  "cheerful  and 
thankful,"  and  one  was  quoted  as  saying  that  it  would  be  ex- 
travagant to  ask  for  anything  more  than  they  had.27 

Against  this  optimistic  statement,  we  have  the  official 
prisoners'  rolls,  recording  91  deaths  and  244  sick  at  Camp 
Morton  in  December,  1863,  and  104  deaths  and  251  sick  in 
January,  1864.  These  figures  include  only  the  hospital  cases. 
An  inspection  made  on  January  26  put  the  number  of  sick 
in  hospital  at  240,  in  barracks,  at  706,  making  a  total  of  946. 
Nine  men  died  in  one  day.  Although  camp  officials  then  and 
afterwards  denied  vehemently  that  any  prisoner  ever  froze 
to  death  at  Camp  Morton,  the  record  carries  an  unavoidable 
implication  that  the  abnormally  cold  weather,  together  with  the 
shortage  of  warm  clothing  and  blankets,  brought  on  or 
hastened  many  deaths.28 

Relief  from  the  cold  was  slow  in  coming.  Top  temperature 
on  New  Year's  Day  was  120  below  zero.  The  next  afternoon 
it  crept  above  zero,  and  on  Sunday  it  reached  ij°  above,  but 
there  was  snow  all  that  night.  On  the  fifth  and  sixth  there 
was  below-zero  weather  again.  For  the  rest  of  the  month  cold 
blustery  days  predominated.      February  brought   little   relief. 

26Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  4,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1,2;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
January  4,  p.  3,  c.  1,2 ;  January  7,  p.  2,  c.  6. 

^Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  7,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  2;  Indianapolis  Journal, 
Tanuary  7,  1864,  p.  2,  c.  6. 

™Post,  p.  379;  Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century 
Magazine,  XLI,  847 ;  "Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century 
Magazine,  XLII,  761-62;  Carnahan,  Camp  Morton,  31;  Official  Records,  2 
series,  VI,  878-79- 


On  the  seventh  a  violent  storm  of  rain,  hail,  and  wind  swept 
over  Indianapolis.  A  week  later  came  another  period  of  bitter 
cold,  followed  by  snow,  rain,  and  more  snow.  On  the  fourth 
of  March  a  ''furious  and  universal"  snowstorm  raged.  Spring 
lagged,  farmers  unable  to  plough  or  plant.  The  last  snow  to 
be  recorded  in  the  newspapers  that  season  did  not  fall 
until  April  16.29 

Difficult  as  the  situation  was,  Colonel  Stevens  succeeded 
in  making  enough  improvements  at  the  camp  to  draw  a  favor- 
able comment  from  Inspector  Clark  when  he  visited  Indian- 
apolis toward  the  end  of  January.30  Slackness  in  the  guard 
had  completely  disappeared.  Thanks  to  efficient  policing,  the 
enclosure  was  sloughing  off  its  unkempt  air,  and  one  of  the 
former  eyesores,  the  trash- filled  creek  bed,  had  been  trans- 
formed into  a  valuable  addition  to  the  drainage  system. 

Camp  hospitals  also  showed  a  change  for  the  better.  Their 
capacity,  including  the  two  new  wards  and  ten  additional  hos- 
pital tents,  had  been  increased  to  292,  and  the  patients  were  now 
clean,  comfortable,  and  better  supplied  with  medical  supplies 
and  surgical  instruments.  Clark  directed  the  purchase  of  three 
hundred  outfits  of  clothing  to  be  held  for  hospital  use,  and 
urged  the  enlargement  of  the  kitchen  and  the  construction  of 
a  hospital  laundry  to  round  out  facilities.  He  was  pleased 
with  the  staff.  Dr.  Johnson  was  a  skillful  and  energetic 
officer,  and  responsible  for  many  of  the  improvements.  He 
had  as  assistants  three  acting  assistant  surgeons  and  two 
physicians  from  among  the  prisoners.  Unfortunately,  Johnson 
was  determined  to  retire  from  service;  in  spite  of  Clark's 
attempt  to  dissuade  him,  he  left  Camp  Morton  in  February 
and  was  succeeded  by  Surgeon  Charles  J.  Kipp. 

At  the  time  of  Clark's  visit,  patients  with  contagious 
diseases — measles  was  the  commonest — were  segregated  in 
special  hospital  tents.  In  February  three  cases  of  smallpox 
appeared,  possibly  brought  into  camp  by  a  small  body  of 
prisoners  who  arrived  on  February  14.  Stevens  wrote  for 
permission  to  establish  a  tent  hospital  outside  the  enclosure 

20Indianapolis  Journal  and  Sentinel,  January  1 -April  18,  1864,  passim. 
30Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  878-80. 



for  these  cases,  a  proposal  which  was  carried  out  and  which 
apparently  prevented  any  spread  of  the  disease.31 

A  military  prison  was  constructed  about  this  time.  It  was 
a  stout  affair  with  walls,  floors,  ceiling,  and  doors  of  two 
thicknesses  of  two-inch  planking,  laid  transversely  to  each 
other.  It  had  four  cells  15  feet  square,  ventilated  by  overhead 
gratings,  a  main  prison  room  24  by  30  feet,  a  dungeon  16  feet 
square,  and  an  office  and  guardroom  12  by  24  feet.  Sixty 
prisoners  could  be  lodged  there ;  there  were  thirty  inmates  in 
January,  1864,  some  of  them  Union  bounty- jumpers  await- 
ing court-martial.  Three  of  these  men,  found  guilty  of  re- 
peated desertions,  were  executed  on  the  parade  ground  near 
Camp  Morton.32 

Prisoners  in  the  general  barracks  were  still  wretchedly 
clothed  and  quartered.  Those  who  had  no  change  of  clothing 
could  scarcely  be  expected  to  wash  their  only  garments  or 
bathe  often  in  near-zero  temperature,  and  vermin  flourished 
among  them.  The  plague  drove  some  of  the  more  fastidious 
prisoners  to  band  together  for  the  purchase  of  top  bunks 
where  the  little  beasts  swarmed  less  profusely;  occasionally,  for 
the  common  good,  a  prisoner  was  forcibly  bathed  and  shaved 
by  his  associates.33 

Strict  policing  would  have  helped  to  keep  the  barracks 
free  of  other  nuisances,  and  the  prisoners  would  have  been 
better  off  for  some  regular  occupation,  but  Stevens  had  not 
roused  their  co-operative  spirit.  "Colonel  Stevens  is  intelligent, 
of  good  habits,  and  competent  to  fill  the  position  he  occupies," 
said  one  inspector,  "but  does  not  fully  understand  the  proper 
management  of  the  prisoners."34 

Lacking  any  camp  duties,  prisoners  devoted  themselves  to 
plans  for  escape.  They  tried  everything,  singly  and  in  groups, 
but  Stevens'  Veteran  Reserves  kept  a  strict  watch.     Two  men 

31Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  992;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  15, 
1864,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

32Indianapolis  Journal,  January  28,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
January  29,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Terrell,  Report,  I,  Appendix,  p.  287. 

330fficial  Records,  2  series,  VII,  71,  95-96;  Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp 
Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI,  852. 

3iOfficial  Records,  2  series,  VII,  71. 


managed  to  evade  the  guard  in  November,  and  a  member  of  the 
Twenty-seventh  Louisiana  died  trying.  In  December,  the 
intense  cold  helped  to  keep  the  record  clear  of  escapes ;  in 
January  three  men  were  lucky  enough  to  get  away,  and  an- 
other man  was  shot  in  the  attempt.35 

Hoffman  suggested  to  Stevens  the  advisability  of  employ- 
ing detectives  to  ferret  out  plans  for  escape  and  to  uncover 
communications  between  the  prisoners  and  "ill-disposed  persons 
outside."36  This  was  doubtless  a  reference  to  the  Sons  of 
Liberty,  once  again  active  in  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Ohio. 
Stevens  already  had  some  informants  in  the  camp,  but  they 
were  not  omniscient,  and  the  prisoners  were  resourceful. 

One  of  the  lucky  ones  was  a  young  Texan  about  twenty 
years  old  who  had  been  at  Camp  Morton  since  October,  and 
had  had  his  fill  of  northern  winter.  The  slow  tunneling 
process  did  not  appeal  to  his  temperament.  He  made  a  ladder 
of  sorts  from  bits  of  wood  and  odds  and  ends  of  cloth,  and 
concealed  it  in  his  bunk  until  one  night  when  falling  snow  kept 
the  sentinels  blinking  and  blurred  the  sharp  lights  above  the 
enclosure.  At  a  moment  when  two  sentries  were  farthest 
from  each  other  on  their  beat,  the  ladder  was  flung  across  the 
top  of  the  smooth  high  wall.  A  scramble,  and  the  young 
Texan  was  over.  The  ladder  slid  back,  and  under  a  quick  drift 
of  snow  remained  undiscovered  until  the  young  man  was  safely 
on  his  way  to  Kentucky.37 

Goacin  Arcemont  was  unlucky.  He  came  from  Louisiana, 
and  like  the  Texan,  he  hated  the  stinging  northern  winter.  At 
one  thirty  in  the  morning  of  January  16  he  slipped  out  of  his 
barracks  by  a  door  that  was  not  supposed  to  be  used,  and 
headed  for  an  angle  of  the  enclosure  where  prisoners  had  got 
safely  away  before.  Challenged  by  the  guard  and  ordered 
back  to  quarters,  he  stopped,  but  he  did  not  turn  back.  He 
knew  well  enough  what  would  follow  a  refusal  to  obey  the 
second  challenge,  but  perhaps  he  did  not  care  very  much.  The 
guard  repeated  his  order.     Despairing  or  stubborn,  Arcemont 

ZBPost,  p.  379;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  November  2,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  November  16,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  I,  2;  November  19,  p.  3,  c.  3. 
^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  893. 
37Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI,  849. 


stayed  where  he  was,  and  after  a  little  pause  the  guard  fired, 
inflicting  a  wound  of  which  the  prisoner  died.38 

This  occurrence  brought  from  Hoffman  a  demand  for  a 
detailed  account  of  the  affair,  based  on  an  investigation  made 
by  Stevens  himself.  Were  the  prisoners  fully  apprised  of  the 
rules?  What  was  the  interval  between  the  guard's  second 
order  and  the  shot?  Who,  beside  the  guard,  gave  evidence 
about  the  case  ?  There  must  be  no  room  for  charges  by  the 
Confederacy  that  prisoners  were  shot  down  on  trifling  pre- 
texts. Although  Stevens  was  able  to  assure  him  that  the  guard 
had  observed  every  requirement  in  this  particular  case, 
Hoffman  sent  an  order  to  all  camp  commanders  on  March 
17,  1864,  requiring  that  a  board  of  officers  be  summoned  to 
investigate  every  case  involving  the  shooting  of  a  prisoner  by 
a  sentinel,  and  reiterating  his  warning  against  any  ex- 
cesses or  cruelties.39 

The  prisoners  meanwhile  shut  their  eyes  to  the  odds  against 
successful  escape  and  continued  to  plot.  Two  scaled  the  wall 
early  in  February.  A  few  days  later,  ten  men  in  Barracks  G, 
near  the  fence,  decided  to  tunnel  out.  They  boarded  up  the  side 
of  a  bunk,  explaining  to  the  guard  that  the  muddy  feet  of  men 
climbing  to  the  bunks  above  dirtied  their  blankets.  Behind 
this  shield  went  the  dirt  dug  on  the  first  night.  Next  night, 
the  refuse  from  the  tunnel  was  lodged  in  the  topmost  bunk 
across  the  aisle.  On  the  third  night  they  devoted  all  their 
time  to  digging  and  none  to  concealment.  Between  three  and 
four  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  February  11,  they  opened  the 
tunnel  outside  the  enclosure,  beneath,  and  concealed  by,  the 
guards'  walk.  Due  to  this  fortuitous  point  of  exit,  all  of  the 
original  plotters  except  one  who  lost  heart  at  the  last 
minute  emerged  safely,  taking  with  them  two  prisoners 
from  other  quarters.40 

38Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  19,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Official  Records,  2 
series,  VI,  884-85,  911-12,  941-42. 

"Ibid.,  VI,  91 1 -1 2,  1073. 

"Colonel  Stevens  and  two  of  the  prisoners  involved,  have  left  accounts 
of  this  escape.  The  story  told  by  J.  T.  Branch  in  the  Confederate  Veteran, 
VIII,  71-72  (February,  1900)  is  the  most  circumstantial.  See  also  article 
by  J.  J.  Montgomery,  in  ibid.,  VII,  10-12  (January,  1899),  and  Stevens' 
report,  Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  1043-44. 


Word  of  the  escape  was  whispered  about  the  camp  all 
day.  So  far  as  the  prisoners  knew,  the  tunnel  had  not  been 
discovered,  and  there  was  a  chance  that  it  could  be  used  again 
from  Barracks  G.  In  other  parts  of  the  camp  excited  prisoners 
laid  plans  to  rush  the  wall.  That  night  the  two  groups  made 
a  concerted  try  for  freedom,  but  Stevens  had  been  warned  that 
a  break  was  likely,  and  extra  guards  were  stationed  at  vulner- 
able sections  of  the  enclosure.  One  man  was  shot  as  he 
emerged  from  the  tunnel,  cutting  off  that  route  of  escape,  and 
musket  fire  thwarted  the  stampede  against  the  wall.  A  few 
prisoners  managed  to  get  over  the  fence  in  the  uproar,  but 
some  of  them  were  recaptured;  as  a  general  uprising,  the 
venture  failed  dismally.41 

During  the  rigid  inspection  of  the  barracks  that  followed, 
another  tunnel  was  found  opening  from  Barracks  A,  and 
within  a  month  four  tunnels  were  discovered  elsewhere  in  the 
camp.42  Guards  were  put  under  the  strictest  orders  to  prevent 
further  escapes — a  hard  assignment.  All  the  prisoners  were 
restless  and  defiant,  although  the  more  intelligent  continued 
to  shield  their  plans  behind  a  front  of  good  behavior.  The 
stupid  and  vicious  showed  less  foresight,  making  trouble 
among  their  comrades  and  insulting  guards  and  officials 
openly.  To  send  a  stone  cracking  against  a  sentinel's  cartridge 
box  and  spin  him  into  an  awkward  about-face  yielded  a 
malicious  joy  that  these  men  would  not  forego  even  to  help 
their  chances  of  escape.  Stevens  considered  some  of  them  "as 
tough  and  depraved  characters"  as  he  had  ever  seen,  never- 
theless, guards  were  commanded  never  to  answer  an  insult 
and  never  to  use  force  unless  violence  threatened.43  Most  of 
the  Reserves  had  enough  self-control  to  comply  with  the  order, 
but  a  few  were  irritated  into  acts  of  brutality  that  no  amount 
of  provocation  could  justify. 

Several  prisoners  were  punished  for  attempted  escape  by 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  946-47;  Indianapolis  Journal,  February 
15,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1;  February  19,  p.  3,  c.  2;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February 
15,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  2;  February  20,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  946-47,  !044- 

43"Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine, 
XLII,  768,  769. 


having  their  arms  fastened  behind  a  tree  while  they  marked 
time  hour  after  hour ;  at  least  once,  a  culprit  was  tied  up  by 
the  thumbs  until  he  fainted  from  exhaustion.  Other  cruelties 
are  said  to  have  taken  place  with  even  less  excuse :  men  were 
held  unnecessarily  long  at  roll  call  in  freezing  weather;  a 
youngster  was  kicked  and  beaten  for  trying  to  secure  an  extra 
jacket  when  clothing  was  being  issued ;  there  were  unauthorized 
shootings  into  the  barracks — one  prisoner  who  made  a  light 
after  taps  in  order  to  help  a  sick  comrade  was  shot,  had  to 
have  his  arm  amputated,  and  died  as  a  result.  When  these 
charges  came  into  controversy,  their  truth  was  testified  to  by 
numbers  of  prisoners  and  in  some  cases  by  camp  officials. 
Apparently  most  of  the  blame  was  attributable  to  one  or  two 
bullies  among  the  noncommissioned  officers;  other  guards  and 
officials  were  absolved  of  responsibility  even  by  the  prisoners.44 

"The  Indianapolis  newspapers  contain  very  little  information  about 
what  was  going  on  at  Camp  Morton  at  this  time,  aside  from  one  or  two 
articles  about  the  abnormally  cold  weather  and  mentions  of  the  arrival  and 
departure  of  prisoners.  Outsiders  were  rigidly  excluded  from  the  camp. 
The  reports  of  harsh  treatment  were  first  publicized  in  April,  1891,  when 
John  A.  Wyeth,  prisoner  at  Camp  Morton  from  October,  1863  to  February, 
1865,  and  later  a  physician  of  repute  and  president  of  the  American  Medical 
Association,  wrote  an  article  for  Century  Magazine  (XLI,  844-52)  called 
"Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton."  It  painted  a  dark  picture,  and  was  received 
with  great  indignation  in  Indiana.  In  November,  1891,  it  was  answered  by 
W.  W.  Holloway,  Governor  Morton's  secretary  during  the  war,  in  a  state- 
ment which  Century  printed  (XLII,  757-70)  together  with  a  rejoinder  by 
Wyeth  (ibid.,  771-75).  Each  side  offered  much  supporting  testimony, 
Holloway  to  the  effect  that  the  charges  were  indefensible  and  malicious, 
and  Wyeth  to  show  that  he  had  exaggerated  nothing.  Much  of  the  material 
in  these  articles  was  reviewed  by  James  R.  Carnahan,  of  the  Indianapolis 
Commandery,  Loyal  Legion,  in  a  defense  of  Camp  Morton,  printed  in  1892, 
while  numerous  articles  upholding  Wyeth's  assertions  appeared  in  the 
Confederate  Veteran.  In  1914  Dr.  W'yeth  retold  his  story  as  a  chapter  in  a 
volume  called  With  Sabre  and  Scalpel.  A  comparison  of  this  chapter  with 
his  first  article  shows  some  modifications,  based  on  the  replies  of  Holloway 
and  Carnahan,  and  on  the  eight  volumes  of  Official  Records  dealing  with 
prisoners  of  war  (these  volumes  began  to  appear  in  1894)  but  in  the  essentials 
he  sticks  to  his  original  story.  At  those  points  where  the  Official  Records 
cover  the  matters  of  which  he  speaks — for  example,  the  condition  of  barracks, 
hospitals,  and  clothing  issues — they  tend  to  substantiate  his  statements.  For 
material  on  the  charges  cited  in  the  text,  see  Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp 
Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI,  849,  850-51  ;  "Treatment  of  Prisoners 
at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLII,  768,  772-74. 


Harsh  treatment  may  have  cowed  some  of  the  weaker 
spirits,  but  it  was  not,  generally,  effective  in  preventing  escapes. 
Other  measures  worked  far  better.  Stevens  ordered  twenty 
feet  taken  off  the  end  of  the  barracks  nearest  the  fence,  and 
started  the  prisoners  digging  a  trench  within  the  walls  so  wide 
and  deep  that  tunneling  below  it  would  be  practically  impos- 
sible, The  Confederates  regarded  this  occupation  with  extreme 
disfavor,  as  might  be  expected,  but  the  work  went  on,  and 
when  the  job  was  finished,  a  stout  board  enclosure  was  erected 
inside  the  old  wall  as  a  further  barrier  against  unauthorized 

In  late  February,  1864,  a  squabble  between  Hoffman  and 
Major  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  who  had  been  made  a 
special  agent  of  exchange,  did  the  prisoners  a  good  turn.  Butler 
found  his  attempts  to  supply  comforts  to  Union  prisoners 
coldly  received  by  the  Confederates  because  Hoffman  was 
refusing  to  allow  the  delivery  of  boxes  of  provisions  to 
southern  prisoners.  Exasperated  by  this  inept  management, 
Butler  wrote  to  Colonel  Hoffman  in  the  tone  of  a  sarcastic 
headmaster  addressing  a  clumsy  schoolboy.  Hoffman's  com- 
ment that  the  delivery  of  packages  caused  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  to  the  prison  commandants  especially  provoked  him, 
since  it  was  obvious  that  a  little  more  effort  on  the  part  of 
these  gentlemen  would  work  as  much  to  the  advantage  of 
Union  as  of  Confederate  prisoners.46 

"I  desire  to  have  and  shall  have  the  delivery  of  packages 
made  in  accordance  with  the  views  herein  contained/'  an- 
nounced Butler,  *  "unless  specifically  directed  to  the  contrary 
by  the  Secretary  of  War."  Hoffman  forwarded  the  letter  to 
Stanton,  and  with  it  requests  from  the  commandant  at  Camp 
Chase  for  permission  to  extend  the  list  of  articles  which  might 
be  sold  to  prisoners  of  war.  It  was  decided  that  the  exchange 
of  provisions  be  allowed  on  a  reciprocity  basis,  and  that  a 
sutler  be  appointed  in  each  camp.47 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  946-47,  1044;  VII,  95;  Indianapolis 
Journal,  March  21,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  March  28,  p.  3,  c.  2 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
June  22,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  954-55,  973-75 ',  VIII,  343- 

"Ibid.,  VI,  983-85. 


Boxes  "containing  nothing  hurtful  or  contraband"  were 
thereafter  delivered  at  the  camps.  Military  equipment  and 
intoxicating  liquors  were  among  the  contraband  articles,  and 
clothing  was  not  allowed  in  excess  of  "immediate"  require- 
ments. This  last  stricture  was  narrowly  construed.  For 
instance,  one  destitute  prisoner  who  appealed  to  his  family  for 
a  new  outfit  got  only  a  shirt  and  pantaloons,  a  pair  of  socks, 
and  a  pair  of  shoes  out  of  a  package  which  contained  a  coat, 
hat,  another  shirt,  and  extra  socks  in  addition.48 

Prisoners  did  their  best  to  get  around  the  antiliquor  rule. 
Wines  and  whiskies  kept  in  the  hospital  storeroom  had  an 
irresistible  attraction  for  an  orderly  named  Whitehead.  He 
discovered  in  the  storeroom  ceiling  a  hole  intended  to  accom- 
modate a  stovepipe,  and  by  means  of  a  lasso  was  able  to  fish 
out  a  bottle  of  liquor  every  now  and  then.  For  a  while 
occasional  breakages  in  the  locked  room  were  attributed  to 
mice  and  rats,  as  he  had  hoped,  but  a  suspicious  surgeon 
eventually  set  a  watch  on  the  place,  and  Whitehead  found 
himself  repining  the  loss  of  his  "bitters"  in  the  guardhouse.49 

The  new  regulations  for  sutlers,  issued  on  March  3,  were 
sensible  and  generous.  No  sales  were  to  be  made  before  eight 
o'clock  or  after  half  an  hour  before  sundown,  when  they  would 
obviously  interfere  with  camp  routine.  The  stock  was  to  be 
restricted  to  certain  articles — a  fairly  comprehensive  list  which 
would  have  allowed  the  prisoner  (always  providing  that  he 
had  funds)  to  enlarge  his  supply  of  shoes,  socks,  and  under- 
clothes, and  supplement  his  rations  with  fruit,  vegetables,  and 
other  nourishing  foods.50 

It  does  not  appear  that  Stevens  applied  the  rules  strictly. 
The  first  report  mentioning  the  sutler  at  Camp  Morton  states 
that  he  was  selling  pies,  cakes,  soda  water,  and  candies,  but 
whether  these  articles  were  in  addition  to  those  on  Hoffman's 
list  or  a  poor  substitute  for  them,  is  not  clear.  A  new  circular 
covering  the  treatment  of  prisoners  of  war,  issued  on  April 

48Ibid.,  VI,  1036;  VII,  75;  "Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton," 
in  Century  Magazine,  XLII,  774. 

49Indianapolis  Sentinel,  November  2,  1863,  p.  3,  c.  2. 
^Official  Records,  2  series,  VI,  1014,  1036. 


20,  1864,  required  that  sutlers  be  obliged  to  furnish  the  pre- 
scribed articles  at  reasonable  prices.  The  sutler  was  to  pay  a 
small  tax,  which  was  to  become  a  part  of  the  prisoners'  fund.51 

The  circular  of  April  20  also  carried  a  new  ruling  about 
rations.  Whereas  until  this  time  the  amount  of  the  regular 
army  rations  that  might  be  withheld  from  the  prisoners  and 
commuted  into  a  prisoners1  fund  had  been  left  to  the  judgment 
of  the  camp  commandants,  this  order  made  a  flat  schedule  for 
all  prison  depots.52  Whether  the  new  allowance  was  more  or 
less  than  the  issue  then  in  effect  at  Camp  Morton  does  not 
appear ;  it  is  probable  that  it  was  less,  for  inspectors  had  never 
criticised  the  quantity  of  food  furnished  there,  although  they 
had  found  plenty  of  fault  with  the  shortage  of  vegetables  and 
the  poor  cooking  arrangements. 

At  least  one  camp  commander  considered  the  new  ration 
too  small,  but  the  commander  of  big  Camp  Douglas  wrote  to 
Hoffman  that  he  thought  it  could  be  reduced  still  further.  He 
recommended  doing  away  with  hominy,  tea,  and  candles,  on 
the  grounds  that  the  hominy  was  almost  entirely  wasted,  tea 
was  unnecessary,  and  the  candles  had  been  used  chiefly  "in 
tunneling  or  in  studying  up  some  other  means  of  escape."5 

Hoffman  welcomed  the  suggestion.  Since  dispatching  the 
circular  of  April  20,  he  had  made  a  visit  to  Annapolis  to 
oversee  the  reception  of  some  paroled  Union  soldiers  brought 
North  by  truce  boat.  He  found  most  of  the  officers  in  good 
health  and  happy,  but  the  condition  of  the  enlisted  men  return- 
ing from  Belle  Isle  Prison  horrified  him,  and  caused  him  to 
discredit  the  Confederate  claim  that  prisoners  were  receiving 
army  rations.  Reports  from  Andersonville,  established  in 
December,  1863,  were  also  distilling  bitterness.  On  May  3, 
1864,  Hoffman  wrote  to  Stanton  advocating  retaliation  on 
the  officers  in  northern  prisons,  and  on  the  nineteenth  he  wrote 
again,  proposing  a  general  reduction  in  prison  rations.  His 
proposal  was  approved  by  Stanton,  Halleck,  the  Acting  Surgeon 
General,  and  the  Commissary  General  of  Subsistence,  and  on 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  71,  74. 

"Ibid.,  VI,  1081 ;  post,  p.  381. 

530fficial  Records,  2  series,  VII,  134,  142-43- 


June  i  was  incorporated  in  a  circular  and  transmitted  to 
prison  commanders.54 

Candles  and  molasses  had  disappeared  from  the  allowance 
completely;  bread  was  reduced  from  18  to  16  ounces  per  day, 
potatoes  from  30  pounds  to  15  pounds  per  hundred  men,  and 
the  salt  portion  was  lessened.  Sugar  and  coffee  or  tea  were 
removed  from  the  ration  of  all  but  the  sick  and  wounded:  the 
latter  were  allowed  small  amounts  every  other  day.55  From  the 
dietary  angle,  the  worst  feature  of  the  measure  was  the  reduc- 
tion of  potatoes  and  salt ;  from  the  prisoners'  point  of  view,  the 
regulation  best  exemplifying  Yankee  hatefulness  was  the 
withdrawal  of  the  daily  cup  of  coffee. 

Stevens  received  the  order  with  misgivings.  For  one 
thing,  the  temper  of  the  camp  had  been  increasingly  inflamed 
ever  since  the  shooting  of  two  prisoners  a  few  weeks  before. 
Several  prisoners  had  been  detailed  to  help  with  the  disposal 
of  garbage.  While  they  were  marching  along  behind  the 
wagon,  followed  by  an  excitable  and  inexperienced  guard,  two 
of  them  stepped  out  of  line  and  ran  up  beside  the  wagon.  Ac- 
cording to  the  guard's  story,  he  ordered  them  to  fall  back,  and 
at  the  same  time  brought  his  musket  to  "Charge  bayonets," 
cocking  it  with  his  thumb  as  he  brought  it  down.  In  his 
excitement  the  musket  was  discharged,  and  the  two  men  in  the 
path  of  the  bullet  were  fatally  wounded.  The  guard  was 
arrested,  tried  for  murder,  and  acquitted,  but  many  of  the 
prisoners  were  convinced  that  the  shooting  had  been  intentional, 
and  continued  to  look  upon  the  guard  as  nothing  better 
than  an  assassin.56 

Investigations  made  by  General  Carrington  were  also 
disturbing.  Stevens  was  convinced  that  the  Sons  of  Liberty 
now  had  contacts  within  the  camp,  and  that  designs  were  being 
laid  to  promote  an  uprising.     To  add  to  his  uneasiness,  the 

'"'Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  110-11,  150-51,  183-84.  A  somewhat 
larger  ration  was  established  on  June  13  for  prisoners  employed  on  public 
works.     Ibid.,  VII,  366-67. 

aPost,  p.  381. 

5GWyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI, 
849-50:  Carnahan,  Camp  Morton,  40-41;  "Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp 
Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLII,  773,  774. 


prisoners'  strength  had  been  increased  by  six  hundred  men 
sent  North  in  May;  more  were  expected/'7  To  reduce  rations 
was  to  invite  an  explosion.  Additional  safeguards  were 
demanded,  and  General  Carrington  procured  a  howitzer 
battery  from  St.  Louis,  which  was  placed  to  protect  the  angles 
of  the  fence.58 

Introduction  of  the  short  ration  met  the  belligerent  recep- 
tion that  Stevens  expected.  "I  have  just  returned  from  Camp 
Morton,  where  there  are  indications  of  attempted  revolt  of  the 
prisoners,"  wrote  Carrington  on  June  4/"9  ''Last  night  stones 
had  been  collected  in  large  numbers  and  tunnels  had  been 
pushed  forward  to  considerable  progress.  They  have  destroyed 
some  of  their  utensils  and  talk  defiantly.  A  portion  of  the 
excitement  grew  out  of  reduction  of  rations.  To-day  the  issue 
of  coffee  ceases. 

"The  officers  and  guard  are  on  the  alert  and  will  be 
doubled  to-night.  The  force  is  inadequate  for  the  duty 
devolved  upon  them,  and  lumber  is  greatly  needed  for  neces- 
sary repairs.    I  have  ordered  an  inspection  of  the  prison." 

The  threatening  muzzles  of  the  howitzer  battery  and  the 
doubled  guard  held  the  prisoners  in  check  temporarily,  and 
Stevens  turned  his  attention  to  providing  accommodations  for 
extra  prisoners. 

57Indianapolis  Sentinel,  May  23,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  May  27,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  May  25,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

58Terrell,  Report,  I,  Appendix,  273 ;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  193. 

VII.     THE  LAST  YEAR,  1864-65 

Camp  Morton  housed  4,999  prisoners  in  July,  1864,  a  fifty 
per  cent  increase  since  the  first  of  May :  609  had  arrived 
late  in  that  month,  1,350  in  June,  and  568  in  July.1  Renova- 
tions and  improvements  at  the  camp  had  not  been  made  on  a 
scale  to  accommodate  half  the  newcomers.  By  the  end  of  July 
the  seven  barracks  housed  from  436  to  484  inmates  each,  554 
men  occupied  the  old  cattle  shed,  and  a  fourth  of  the  men  were 
still  sweltering  in  tents  set  in  cramped  rows  between  the 
buildings.  Fortunately  kitchens  had  at  last  been  erected,  in 
each  of  which  cooking  was  done  for  from  three  to  four 
hundred  prisoners;  this  was  a  great  reform,  but  its  good  effects 
were  reduced  by  the  omission  of  succulent  vegetables  from  the 
diet.  Beef  cooked  in  quantity  might  taste  better  and  go 
further,  but  it  did  not  prevent  scurvy.2 

The  advent  of  July  was  dreaded  by  the  camp  physicians. 
The  hot  days  brought  deadly  exhalations  from  the  earth, 
trampled  by  thousands  of  men  and  impregnated  with  filth, 
while  the  sink,  situated  near  the  center  of  the  camp,  spread 
its  noxious  gases  broadcast.  July  was  the  month  too  when 
malaria  began  to  seize  its  victims.  Even  in  1863,  when  the 
number  of  prisoners  was  below  a  thousand,  the  death  rate 
during  that  month  had  been  high.  In  1864,  the  camp  was 
swarming,  and  matters  were  made  still  worse  by  heat  as  blister- 
ing as  the  winter  cold  had  been  severe.  Three  cases  of  sun- 
stroke in  downtown  Indianapolis  were  reported  by  the  Sentinel 
of  June  21.  Later  issues  commented  in  a  depressed  fashion  on 
the  succession  of  burning  days,  and  by  July  23  wells  and 
cisterns  had  begun  to  go  dry.3 

The  hospitals  were  soon  full.  One  building  had  been 
remodeled  to  contain  the  office  and  dispensary,  storerooms, 
and  a  kitchen  and  messroom,  while  the  wards  had  become  such 

xPost,  p.  379- 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  512-13,  554- 




"models  of  neatness"  that  a  sojourn  there  was  regarded  as 
the  best  thing  the  camp  had  to  offer.4  The  patients  were  better 
clothed  and  better  fed  than  the  men  outside,  and  behind 
Surgeon  Kipp's  professional  ability  they  perceived  a  heart- 
warming personal  interest.  Kipp  had  efficient  assistants, 
too.5  His  worst  foes  were  the  intolerably  crowded  quarters 
and  a  general  debility  which  complicated  every  case  of  illness. 
Following  a  week  when  twenty-four  of  his  patients  died,  he 
was  requested  to  make  a  statement  of  the  causes  to  Surgeon 
Charles  J.  Tripler,  Medical  Director  of  the  Northern  Depart- 
ment. His  reply  showed  plainly  that  no  improvement  could 
be  expected  as  long  as  the  prisoners  remained  in  cramped 
quarters  and  were  denied  antiscorbutics.6 

With  Tripler's  strong  endorsement,  the  statement  eventually 
reached  Hoffman's  hands.  It  was  reinforced  almost  immedi- 
ately by  a  report  from  Medical  Inspector  Alexander,  who 
visited  Camp  Morton  on  August  5  and  6.7  He  said  bluntly 
that  the  number  of  sick — 327  in  hospital  and  256  in  barracks — 
was  out  of  proportion  to  the  number  of  prisoners,  and  recom- 
mended (1)  enlargement  of  the  camp;  (2)  building  of  eight 
hospital  wards  in  the  added  area;  (3)  conversion  of  existing 
hospital  wards  into  quarters;  (4)  reconstruction  of  the  cattle 
shed    into    a    barracks    by    the    addition    of    another    half; 

(5)  a   free  supply  of  vegetables  for  the  next  two  months; 

(6)  improved  police. 

All  this  he  thought  could  be  done  at  less  than  the  cost  of 
replacing  198  worn-out  tents  still  in  use  but  unfit  for  winter 
occupancy.  He  himself  had  instituted  measures  to  improve 
the  sinks,  and  had  ordered  onions  supplied  from  the  prison 
fund,  which  amounted  to  $36,215.52  at  the  end  of  July. 

Hoffman  was  impressed  into  instituting  the  reforms  that 
could  be  handled  without  much  expense.  Antiscorbutics  were 
issued  regularly  thereafter — half  a  pound  of  potatoes  or  six 

Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  94- 

5Ibid.,  VII,  556.    Five  acting  assistant  surgeons  of  the  U.  S.  Army  were 
now  on  duty  at  Camp  Morton.     They  were  R.  N.  Todd,  W.  P.  Parr,  I.  N 
Craig,  W.  S.  Thompson,  and  S.  C.  Dove. 

6Ibid.,  VII,  512-13,  554-56. 

"Ibid.,  VII,  554-56. 


ounces  of  onions  per  man.  Stevens  was  ordered  to  take  into 
the  enclosure  about  ten  acres  at  the  northeast  corner,  and  to 
report  weekly  on  the  condition  of  the  camp.8  He  appointed 
Lieutenant  J.  W.  Davidson,  of  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps, 
to  act  as  camp  inspector  and  see  that  policing  was  regular  and 

After  examining  the  noisome  barracks,  Davidson  character- 
ized the  prisoners  as  "the  filthiest  set  of  men  in  the  world." 
They  obstructed  his  every  move,  but  they  could  not  balk  this 
stubborn  officer.  As  soon  as  the  barracks  were  empty  in  the 
morning,  a  detail  of  prisoners  was  assigned  to  give  them  a 
sweeping.  Bedding  was  then  aired  and  rolled  neatly  at  the 
head  of  each  bunk,  in  regular  army  camp  fashion.  The  men 
were  inspected,  too,  and  anyone  who  came  dirty  to  the  morning 
line-up  was  taken  from  the  ranks  and  washed.9 

Davidson  had  scarcely  had  time  to  admire  the  results  when 
Hoffman,  in  a  fit  of  economy,  threatened  to  reduce  the  soap 
ration.  Davidson  saw  his  charges  slipping  back  into  their 
former  grimy  state,  and  protested  with  an  earnestness  that 
gave  no  thought  to  the  niceties  of  grammar :  "The  rations  of 
soap,  I  have  found,  is  not  more  than  is  required,  owing  to  the 
water  that  has  to  be  used  for  washing  being  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  require  a  large  quantity  to  enable  them  to  keep  themselves 
and  their  clothing  clean."10 

Other  reforms  recommended  by  Inspector  Alexander 
bogged  down  because  Hoffman  and  Stevens  got  at  cross  pur- 
poses over  requisitions  and  authorizations.  As  an  illustration 
of  the  disastrous  results  produced  in  the  prison  camps  by  false 
economy  and  red  tape,  the  struggle  to  improve  accommodations 
for  the  winter  of  1864-65  will  be  followed  in  some  detail. 

The  whole  plan  to  provide  barrack  room  for  the  men  in 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  585,  599- 

°Ibid.,  VII,  693,  771,  843:  Indianapolis  Journal,  October  25,  1864,  p.  r, 
c.  4-5.  Davidson  has  been  accused  of  tyrannical  and  cruel  behavior  toward 
the  prisoners  (Confederate  Veteran,  XV,  223-26.  May,  1907),  and  his  reports 
sometimes  betray  extreme  exasperation  at  their  unhelpfulness.  On  the  other 
hand,  his  efforts  to  secure  better  quarters  for  them  were  unremitting. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  599,  694.  Stevens  reported  that  SA95lA 
pounds  of  soap,  and  1,030^  gallons  of  vinegar  were  required  in  August. 
Ibid.,  VII,  824. 


tents  and  reduce  the  crowding  in  the  regular  quarters  hinged 
on  the  building  of  enough  new  hospital  wards  to  accommodate 
all  the  sick,  and  release  the  old  wards  for  conversion  into 
barracks.  Perhaps  Stevens  did  not  emphasize  this  point  suf- 
ficiently when  he  forwarded  the  recommendations  of  his  sub- 
ordinates. Kipp  had  added  several  details  to  the  suggestions 
already  made.  He  wanted  windows  in  the  barracks,  bunks 
limited  to  two  tiers  instead  of  three,  an  "ablution  room"  at- 
tached to  each  building,  and  a  messroom  to  each  kitchen.11  It 
was  impossible  to  keep  the  barracks  clean  in  winter  when  the 
men  had  to  eat  indoors.  Davidson  begged  for  the  construction 
of  floors  in  the  barracks,  partly  as  a  sanitary  measure,  and 
partly  to  make  tunneling  more  difficult.  He  was  distressed 
about  the  men  in  leaky  tents,  and  harped  on  the  necessity  of 
providing  better  quarters  for  them  before  cold  weather.12 
Stevens  unfortunately  neglected  to  provide  estimates  of  costs, 
a  fatal  omission  in  dealing  with  Hoffman. 

As  the  days  went  by  without  word  from  Washington, 
Stevens  revised  his  plans  and  began  makeshift  repairs  with 
materials  on  hand.  By  remodeling  an  extension  of  the  cattle 
shed  along  the  north  wall,  brought  inside  the  enclosure  by  the 
enlargement  of  the  grounds,  it  was  possible  to  take  585  men 
out  of  tents.  The  most  dilapidated  tents  were  then  discarded 
and  the  rest  moved  to  fresh  ground.13  Beyond  improvements 
of  this  sort  Stevens  was  unwilling  to  go  without  authoriza- 
tion from  Washington. 

When  Hoffman  finally  wrote  to  Stevens  on  September  14, 
he  did  not  mention  the  barracks  at  all,  and  he  criticized  the 
proposals  for  the  hospital  as  too  elaborate.  Instead  of  authoriz- 
ing the  construction  of  the  six  or  eight  wards  needed,  he  ordered 
the  building  of  two.     Specifications  were  to  be  as  follows:14 

Dimensions,  25  feet  by  no,  with  9  1/2  feet  elevation  from 
the  floor ;  clothes  room,  bathing  room,  and  closet  in  each  ward ; 
eight  windows  in  a  side  at  intervals  of  1 1  feet,  allowing  three 
beds  between;  one  row  of  beds  to  run  lengthwise,  providing 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  663-64. 

12Ibid.,  VII,  693-94,  771,  812,  843,  918. 


"Ibid.,  VII,  823. 


accommodations  for  fifty  men  to  a  ward.  A  building  20  by  60 
feet  was  authorized  for  the  kitchen  and  messroom,  and  another, 
24  by  75  feet,  to  contain  a  room  for  the  surgeon,  an  office, 
dispensary,  storeroom,  and  a  room  for  attendants.  The 
buildings  were  to  be  put  up  without  framing,  the  posts  set  in 
the  ground  and  the  joists  spiked  to  them.  Felt  roofing  was 
recommended  as  warmer  than  shingles,  and  floors  were  to  be 
elevated  one  foot  above  the  ground.  Stevens  was  asked  to 
report  on  the  costs  as  soon  as  the  wards  were  completed. 

Materials  had  to  be  assembled  before  work  could  begin, 
and  construction  was  further  delayed  by  heavy  rains.  Hoff- 
man, waiting  to  hear  how  the  hospital  wards  were  progressing, 
got  nothing  but  Davidson's  weekly  pleas  for  better  barracks. 
Irritated  and  impatient,  he  wrote  to  Stevens  on  October  3 
scoring  these  "vague  suggestions"  and  "recommendations 
without  details."15 

Stevens  replied  patiently  with  a  statement  of  what  he  had 
done  and  what  he  hoped  to  do.  By  October  20  the  hospital 
wards  were  finished,  and  reporting  this  fact,  Stevens  brought 
up  once  again  the  need  for  at  least  four  more.16  Expense  was 
not  prohibitive,  for  the  first  two  cost  but  $915.46,  and  the 
prison  fund  was  climbing  steadily.17  Hoffman  received  the 
suggestion  as  though  it  were  brand  new.  "If  the  tents  now 
in  use  can  possibly  be  made  to  serve  .  .  .  this  winter,  no 
further  buildings  will  be  erected;  but  if  the  tents  are  wholly 
unfit  for  further  use,  you  are  authorized  to  erect  additional 
hospital  wards  and  convert  the  present  hospital  into  barracks, 
as  you  recommend.  Report  what  you  think  proper  to  do  in  this 
matter."18  If  Stevens  read  this  communication  with  anger 
and  frustration,  who  can  blame  him?  For  weeks  he  had  been 
reporting  the  measures  that  he  considered  necessary,  and  his 
reports  had  been  backed  up  by  recommendations  of  the  camp 
inspector,  the  camp  surgeon,  and  the  district  medical  inspector. 

"Ibid.,  VII,  919. 

lsIbid.,  VII,  927-28,  1034. 

"Ibid.,  VII,  1 166.  In  December,  1864,  the  prison  fund  amounted  to 
about  $75, 000.  Alvin  P.  Hovey  to  The  Adjutant  General,  December  2,  1864. 
Photostat,  Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State  Library. 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  1069-70. 


Shortly  after  this,  on  November  n,  Hoffman  was  made 
Commissary  General  of  Prisoners  West  of  the  Mississippi,  a 
position  which  he  held  until  February  i,  1865.  For  that  period 
he  was  replaced  at  Washington  by  Brigadier  General  Henry  W. 
Wessells.  Immediately,  Stevens'  communications  began  to 
receive  consideration,  but  so  much  time  had  been  wasted 
already  in  fruitless  correspondence  that  the  camp  was  doomed 
to  face  another  winter  ill  prepared. 

Construction  of  additional  hospital  wards,  approved  by 
Wessells'  office  on  November  21,  was  retarded  by  snow  and 
ice ;  before  they  were  completed  it  was  plain  that  they  would 
not  suffice  (on  December  29,  Surgeon  Kipp  had  room  for  240 
patients  and  a  daily  sick  report  of  400,  many  of  the  patients 
coming  from  the  group  of  prisoners  who  were  still  living  in 
tents).  Kipp  begged  for  three  more  wards  and  toward  the 
end  of  January,  1865,  received  permission  to  build  them 
with  prison  labor.19 

What  the  months  of  haggling  over  hospitals  and  winter 
quarters  cost  is  told  by  the  prisoners'  death  rolls :     September, 

1864,  33  ;  October,  21 ;  November,  18  ;  December,  53  ;  January, 

1865,  117;  February,  133.20 

Life  at  Camp  Morton  from  the  summer  of  1864  to  the 
spring  of  1865  followed  the  pattern  of  the  preceding  year  in 
other  aspects.  On  August  10,  1864,  Hoffman  once  more 
prohibited  sutlers  from  selling  food  to  prisoners  of  war,  and 
so  restricted  the  delivery  of  boxes  from  their  families  as 
virtually  to  cut  off  that  source  of  supplies.  Sutlers  still 
furnished  tobacco,  stamps,  and  odds  and  ends  of  toilet  and 
sewing  articles,  and  some  of  them  did  a  little  smuggling  on 
the  side.  The  Camp  Morton  sutler,  Dwight  Roberts,  was 
charged  with  selling  small  gingerbread  cakes  worth  about  two 
cents  each  to  agents  among  the  prisoners  at  the  rate  of  eleven 
cakes  for  a  dollar;  the  agents  then  tacked  on  a  big  profit  for 
themselves,  and  the  hungry  consumer  had  to  pay  fifteen  or 
twenty-five  cents  for  his  illicit  bite  of  gingerbread.  Another 
sharp  practice  was  to  force  the  prisoners  to  buy  at  least  thirty 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  1102-3,  1117,  1128,  H54-55,  1166,  1202, 
1211,  1242,  1294;  VIII,  134,  144. 
"Post,  p.  379- 




Century  Magazine,  XLII,   764. 

Camp  Morton,  1865  (Compiled  from  sketches  by  several  persons  who 
were  on  duty  in  the  camp).  1.  Headquarters.  2.  Old  hospital.  3.  Hospital 
tents.  4.  Sutler.  5.  Hospitals — built  in  1863.  6.  New  hospitals — built  in 
1864.  7.  Barracks.  9.  Gates.  10.  Quartermaster.  11.  Commissary. 
12.  Bakery.  13.  Baseball  grounds.  15.  Bridges.  16.  Pumps.  17.  Sheds, 
officers'  horses.  19.  Dining  room.  20.  Kitchen.  21.  Dining  room.  22.  Con- 
sulting room.  2^.  Reception  room.  24.  Engineer.  25.  Prescription,  supplies. 
Guard  line. 

cents  worth  of  provisions  at  a  time  or  forfeit  the  change  due 
from  a  sutler's  check  worth  a  dollar.21  As  will  appear  later, 
the  prisoners  found  a  way  of  avenging  themselves. 

Food  gradually  became  the  center  of  men's  thoughts,  the 
subject  of  most  of  their  conversations,  and  the  basis  of  a 
strange  camp  commerce.  Chief  commodities  in  camp  trading 
operations  were  bread  (''duffers"),  crackers  ("hardtack"), 
beef  bones,  and  bone  butter,  and  the  unit  of  currency  was 
a  "chaw"  of  tobacco,  cut  to  a  standard  size  of  an  inch  square 
and  a  quarter  inch  thick.  Bone  butter  rated  as  the  top  luxury 
on  the  prison  bill  of  fare.     If  a  man  drew  a  beef  joint  on  his 

nOfficial  Records,  2  series,  VII,  573-74;  letter  of  James  A.  Edwards  to 
"the  Proper  Officer,"  Washington,  D.  C,  February  27,  1865,  photostat, 
Archives  Division,  Indiana  State  Library,  from  War  Department,  Letters 
Received,  Secretary  of  War. 


ration  he  had  the  makings  of  this  delicacy  and  was  happy.  The 
meat  was  scraped  off  and  cooked.  The  bone  was  then  split 
into  very  small  pieces  and  boiled  until  all  the  fat  was  extracted 
and  the  water  evaporated.  After  the  residue  had  been  filtered 
through  a  cloth  and  allowed  to  harden,  the  bone  butter  was 
ready — and  worth  a  big  price  in  camp  currency. 

In  fair  weather  the  dealers  had  a  regular  market  place ;  on 
rainy  days  they  made  their  rounds  through  the  barracks.  Al- 
most everybody  joined  in  the  daily  bargaining.  It  was  an 
occupation  that  relieved  the  terrible  ennui  of  the  long  days  and 
provided  a  momentary  defense  against  nostalgia.22 

Some  men  found  their  entertainment  in  gambling.  Since 
rations  were  the  usual  stake  the  game  was  exciting,  but  the 
losers  had  to  choose  between  starving  like  gentlemen  or  ob- 
taining food  by  irregular  means.  Rat  eating  was  not  uncom- 
mon during  the  period  of  short  rations :  there  was  no  stigma 
attached  to  the  practice.  When  the  sutler's  dog  went  the  way 
of  the  rats,  however,  some  of  the  prisoners  invited  to  the 
vengeful  feast  could  not  bring  themselves  to  share  it.  A 
few  men  were  driven  to  the  extremity  of  filching  scraps  from 
the  hospital  garbage,  but  their  comrades  soon  formed  a  com- 
mittee to  prevent  this  degrading  practice.  They  also  held  court 
on  the  rascals  who  stole  from  their  comrades.23 

Early  in  August,  1864,  the  prisoners'  clothing  was  described 
as  bad  and  deficient.  There  were  some  reserves  in  the  quarter- 
master's department,  but  not  enough  to  last  through  the  winter. 
Late  in  the  month,  Lieutenant  Davidson  asked  for  530  woolen 
blankets,  825  pairs  of  trousers,  1,250  pairs  of  shoes,  850  shirts, 
and  350  coats,  and  took  the  trouble  to  point  out  that  most  of 
the  4,800  prisoners  at  Camp  Morton  were  too  poor  to  secure 
outfits  from  home.  The  supplies  arrived  slowly — there  was 
still  a  shortage  of  shoes  on  October  18 —  and  later  more  shirts 
and  blankets  had  to  be  requisitioned.     In  December,  Davidson 

"Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI, 

2iIbid.,  848,  851  ;  "Plain  Living  at  Johnson's  Island,"  in  Century  Mag- 
azine, XLI,  715 ;  "Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century 
Magazine,  XLII,  765,  774,  775 ;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  347,  348. 


asked  that  straw  be  furnished  for  bedding  as  the  prisoners 
did  not  have  enough  blankets.24 

In  the  meantime  a  plan  was  being  worked  out  under  which 
the  Federal  Government  was  to  furnish  Union  men  in  southern 
prisons  with  food,  clothing  and  blankets,  shelter  and  fuel,  and 
hospital  stores,  while  the  Confederacy  supplied  its  men  in  the 
North.  To  secure  funds,  the  South  was  allowed  to  ship  cotton 
for  sale  in  New  York.25  Brigadier  General  William  N.  R. 
Beall,  a  prisoner  at  Fort  Warren,  was  paroled  on  December  6 
to  take  charge  of  the  sale,  make  the  necessary  purchases,  and 
manage  the  distribution.  The  cotton  came  late  (January  24, 
1865)  and  in  such  bad  condition  that  it  had  to  be  rebaled.  It 
was  sold  on  February  8,  and  by  the  tenth  Beall  had  made  his 
purchases.  To  the  dismay  of  General  Halleck,  not  a  cent  was 
spent  for  provisions :  every  penny  went  for  tobacco  and  for 
shoes,  gray  blankets,  and  clothing  that  was  "in  every  respect 
the  Confederate  uniform  (save  the  buttons)."  Since  ex- 
changes were  once  more  under  way,  this  looked  like  an  attempt 
to  outfit  the  men  for  the  field,  and  the  North  refused  to  extend 
its  agreement  to  cover  further  sales  of  cotton.26 

General  Beall's  purchases  were  distributed  in  February. 
Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton  received  as  their  share  12  packages 
of  tobacco,  1,500  blankets,  1,580  coats  and  jackets,  1,585  pairs 
of  trousers,  1,730  shirts,  1,600  drawers,  1,800  pairs  of  socks, 
and  800  pairs  of  shoes.27  This  was  an  impressive  issue  in 
comparison  with  the  quantities  asked  for  by  Lieutenant  David- 
son, and  leaves  the  unhappy  conviction  that  coats  and  blankets 
at  the  camp  were  far  too  few  from  November  to  February. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1864  liberation  of 
prisoners  again  became  an  important  objective  of  forlorn-hope 
Confederates  and  hotheaded  leaders  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in 
the  North.     Their  extravagant  scheme  contemplated  the  over- 

2iOfficial  Records,  2  series,  VII,  694,  785,  843,  927,  966,  1007-8,  1147, 
1 166,  121 1. 

^Ibid.,  VII,  1070-73,  1 107-8.  It  was  part  of  the  agreement  that  no  article 
furnished  by  either  Government  should  be  "upon  any  pretense  or  for  any 
cause  whatever,  diverted  from  the  use"  for  which  it  was  dedicated. 

™Ibid.,  VII,  1117-18,  1131,  1148-49,  1199-1200;  VIII,  124,  227,  241-42. 

"Ibid.,  VIII,  318,  750. 


throw  of  the  state  governments  of  Missouri,  Illinois,  Indiana, 
and  Ohio,  and  the  occupation  of  Kentucky.  Governor  Morton 
was  to  be  assassinated.  The  arsenals  were  to  be  seized  and 
the  prisoners  freed  and  armed  to  join  Confederate  forces  mov- 
ing in  from  Missouri  and  Kentucky. 

"Visionary  and  desperate  as  this  scheme  may  appear," 
said  one  of  Morgan's  ablest  officers  later,  "it  was  in  reality 
very  nearly  the  last  hope  the  South  had  of  prolonging  the  war. 
She  had  exhausted  every  other  means  of  recruiting  her  fear- 
fully depleted  armies.  Much  of  her  territory  had  been  over- 
run and  no  longer  furnished  either  men  or  supplies  to  the 
Confederate  cause.  Enlistment  in  the  territory  still  under 
Confederate  control  had  almost  ceased;  indeed,  the  material 
for  it  had  scarcely  any  longer  existence.  The  conscription,  no 
matter  how  rigorously  enforced,  brought  no  acquisition  to  the 
ranks,  simply  because  it  could  not  find  men  capable  of  serving. 
Nowhere,  except  among  the  great  army  of  her  veterans  cooped 
up  in  Northern  prisons,  could  the  South  find  the  men  who, 
with  their  remaining  comrades  yet  in  the  field  and  standing 
desperately  at  bay,  might  still  fight  her  battles  and  prolong 
the  struggle."28 

So  much  for  the  position  of  the  South.  But  the  plan  went 
far  beyond  anything  dreamed  of  by  most  northern  members  of 
the  order.  Shocked  and  alienated  by  its  treasonable  aspects, 
many  withdrew  in  Indiana.  Others  succeeded  in  postponing 
action  in  the  state,  and  the  plan  for  a  rising  in  August  col- 
lapsed with  the  seizure  of  a  shipment  of  arms — labeled  Sunday 
school  books — at  the  office  of  H.  H.  Dodd,  Grand  Commander 
for  Indiana,  and  his  subsequent  arrest.29  Some  of  his  agents 
were  sent  to  the  military  prison  at  Camp  Morton. 

General  Carrington  reported  that  papers  found  in  Dodd's 
office  included  a  list  of  four  hundred  prisoners  of  war  who 
were  members  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  and  that  he  had  learned 
from  some  of  the  prisoners  that  two  thousand  of  their  number 

28General  Basil  W.  Duke,  in  Introduction  to  John  B.  Castleman's  Active 
Service  (Louisville,  Kentucky,  1917). 

^Terrell,  Report,  I,  299  f  f . ;  Indianapolis  Journal,  August  22,  1864,  p.  2, 
c.  1-5;  August  23,  p.  1,  c.  5-8,  p.  2,  c.  1-2;  Official  Records,  VII,  801-3, 
930-53,  1089. 


had  organized  battalions  and  chosen  leaders  in  preparation  for 
an  outbreak.  Dodd  denied  that  any  prisoners  were  members 
of  the  order,  but  he  was  quoted  at  his  trial  in  September  as 
having  said  that  with  150  men  he  could  seize  the  artillery  at 
Camp  Morton  and  overpower  the  guards,  and  there  was  ample 
evidence  that  he  expected  the  prisoners  to  co-operate  in 
the  general  uprising.30 

Although  these  plans  came  to  nothing,  they  kept  the  offi- 
cials at  Camp  Morton  uneasy  and  doubly  watchful.  Additional 
guards  were  brought  in,  the  Sixtieth  Massachusetts  Volunteer 
Infantry,  and  the  Thirty-seventh  Iowa  Volunteers  both  assist- 
ing the  Fifth  and  Seventeenth  Regiments  of  Veteran  Reserves. 
The  prisoners  immediately  recognized  inexperienced  guards 
and  tried  to  make  capital  of  the  situation.  On  August  17 
eight  of  them  who  had  been  sent  outside  the  camp  on  fatigue 
duty  overpowered  their  guard.  Six  escaped,  one  was  recap- 
tured, and  one  came  back  to  camp  of  his  own  accord.  A  month 
later  a  prisoner  tried  to  get  away  from  a  similar  fatigue  party 
and  was  killed.31  Informants  within  the  camp  gave  warning 
meanwhile  that  some  of  the  prisoners  were  perfecting  plans 
for  an  attack  on  the  enclosure,  and  were  determined  to  fight 
their  way  to  the  arsenals  no  matter  what  the  cost  of  life.32 

Dozens  of  tunnels  were  discovered ;  some  progressed  for 
weeks  before  betrayal  or  mischance  called  them  to  the  guards' 
attention.  One  of  these  was  begun  two  hundred  feet  from  the 
prison  wall.  A  ten-foot  shaft  was  sunk,  and  two  feet  from  the 
bottom  of  the  shaft  a  cross  trench  was  run  parallel  to  the 
surface  until  it  dipped  underneath  the  ditch  that  Stevens  had 
hoped  would  make  tunneling  impracticable. 

^Carrington  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  S.  H.  Lathrop,  August  24,  1864, 
photostat  in  Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State  Library,  from  War  Department, 
Northern  Department  Letter  Books,  Vol.  69,  pp.  88-89 ;  Indianapolis  Sentinel, 
September  5,  1864,  p.  2,  c.  4;  September  28,  p.  2,  c.  4;  October  26,  p.  3,  c.  2 ; 
Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  947-48. 

31Indianapolis  Sentinel,  August  11,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  August  18,  p.  3,  c.  1 ; 
August  19,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  August  24,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  September  19,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  August  19,  1864,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VII, 

32Carrington  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  S.  H.  Lathrop,  August  23,  1864, 
photostat  in  Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State  Library,  from  War  Department, 
Northern  Department,  Letter  Books,  Vol.  69,  p.  87. 


Elaborate  precautions  were  taken  to  keep  the  work  secret. 
Some  of  the  plotters  were  always  at  hand  to  blanket  the  shaft 
when  a  patrol  appeared,  and  help  disguise  the  opening  by 
starting  a  card  game  on  the  covering.  One  man  at  a  time 
worked  inside  the  tunnel,  digging  with  a  case  knife,  and  push- 
ing the  earth  into  a  bag  which  was  tied  at  the  middle  of  a 
long  cord  and  could  be  hauled  back  and  forth  in  response  to 
a  signal  from  either  end. 

Before  the  prisoners  went  to  their  barracks  at  sundown  the 
fresh  earth  was  carefully  disposed  of.  Each  man  tucked  his 
trousers  into  his  socks,  filled  them  with  "as  much  loose  earth 
as  he  could  waddle  with,"  and  made  for  the  "Potomac." 
Reaching  the  middle  of  the  plank  bridge  across  the  little 
stream,  he  gave  his  trousers  a  sudden  pull,  disengaging  them 
from  his  stockings  and  allowing  the  dirt  to  slide  into  the 
stream,  where  the  rapid  current  soon  carried  off  all  evidence 
of  his  burrowing. 

On  a  September  morning  the  plotters  hugged  the  knowledge 
that  the  tunnel  was  ready  to  cut  through ;  as  the  day  wore  on, 
fifteen  of  them  realized  with  sick  foreboding  that  the  sixteenth 
man  of  the  party  had  disappeared.  A  surreptitious  search  dis- 
covered their  Judas — safe  behind  the  guardlines  at  head- 
quarters, where  he  remained  until  the  end  of  the  war.33 

On  the  night  of  September  27  a  more  spectacular  attempt 
at  escape  doubled  the  tension  in  the  camp.  Some  time  before, 
the  fifteen  or  twenty  prisoners  involved  had  spliced  together 
half  a  dozen  ladders  out  of  tent  poles  and  the  short  ladders 
from  their  bunks ;  they  had  been  waiting  since  for  just  such 
a  night  of  rain  and  pitch  darkness  as  closed  over  the  camp  on 
the  twenty-seventh.  It  was  in  their  favor,  too,  that  part  of 
the  troops  on  guard  that  night  were  armed  only  with  musket 
and  bayonet,  and  could  fire  only  once  without  reloading. 

Letting  fly  a  barrage  of  rocks  and  stones  to  draw  the 
sentries'  fire,  the  prisoners  rushed  the  wall.  "By  God,  I'm 
all  right,"  shouted  one  as  he  reached  the  top,  and  was  shot  as 
he  spoke.  Another  was  fatally  wounded.  A  few  got  over  the 
fence  and  away;  though  little  trails  of  blood  indicated  that 

33Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI,  850. 


some  of  them  had  suffered  gunshot  or  bayonet  wounds,  none 
of  them  were  recaptured,  and  it  was  supposed  that  they  had 
found  shelter  with  Confederate  sympathizers.34 

There  were  brought  to  Camp  Morton  on  October  2  two  of 
the  young  Confederate  officers  who  had  been  trying  to  prod 
northern  Sons  of  Liberty  into  aiding  their  plans.  One  was 
Lieutenant  William  E.  Munford;  the  other  was  Captain 
John  Breckenridge  Castleman,  of  Louisville,  Kentucky,  who 
had  been  working  with  Captain  Thomas  H.  Hines,  already 
well  known  for  his  dashing  foray  into  Indiana  the  preceding 
summer  and  his  spectacular  escape  with  General  Morgan  from 
the  Ohio  State  Penitentiary  at  Columbus.  Because  they  were 
traveling  in  civilian  clothes  and  under  assumed  names  when 
arrested,  they  were  charged  with  spying,  and  were  placed  in 
close  confinement  in  the  Camp  Morton  prison. 

Within  a  few  days  Castleman  had  induced  a  guard  to  bring 
him  a  saw,  and  had  cut  an  opening  in  the  floor  of  his  cell 
large  enough  to  allow  him  to  slip  out.  A  short  inspection 
disclosed  a  close-set  ring  of  sentinels  around  the  prison  and 
beyond  them  the  high  wall  surrounding  the  enclosure.  There 
was  nothing  to  do  but  climb  back  into  Cell  3  and  replace 
the  floorboards. 

Castleman  was  treated  with  consideration.  The  officer  in 
charge  of  the  prison,  Colonel  A.  J.  Warner,  of  the  Seventeenth 
Regiment  Veteran  Reserves,  visited  him  frequently,  and  per- 
mitted him  to  have  a  private  interview  with  his  mother  and  to 
receive  the  Bible  which  she  brought.  The  Bible  had  been  sup- 
plied by  Captain  Hines  and  contained  $3,000  in  one  side  of 
the  binding  and  a  fine  saw  in  the  other,  but  Castleman  was 
never  able  to  engineer  an  escape.  His  Unionist  brother-in-law, 
Judge  Samuel  Breckenridge,  of  St.  Louis,  saw  President 
Lincoln  secretly  on  his  behalf  in  November,  and  received  from 
him  a  note  to  be  used  only  in  case  of  emergency. 

" Whenever  John  B.  Castleman  shall  be  tried,  if  convicted 
and  sentenced,  suspend  execution  until  further  order  from 
me,  and  send  me  the  record. 

A.  Lincoln" 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  915-16. 


Castleman  knew  nothing  of  this,  and  during  the  next  few 
months  must  have  spent  many  hours  contemplating  the 
probable  consequences  if  he  were  tried  as  a  spy.35 

Doubtless  the  Camp  Morton  grapevine  carried  through  the 
enclosure  the  story  of  Castleman's  errand  in  the  North;  the 
prisoners  may  have  had  secret  knowledge,  too,  that  Hines  was 
still  working  to  release  the  prisoners  at  Camp  Douglas, 
knowledge  that  gave  them  courage  for  the  last  and  most  suc- 
cessful prison  break  of  the  season.  On  the  night  of  November 
14,  just  as  the  bugle  was  calling  prisoners  to  their  barracks, 
and  before  the  night  patrol  had  reached  the  prison  yard,  a  mob 
of  fifty  or  sixty  men  rushed  toward  the  fence.  Stones  and 
bottles  filled  with  water  hurtled  through  the  air  at  the  guards, 
taking  them  so  completely  by  surprise  that  only  a  few  shots 
were  fired.  The  prisoners  bridged  the  ditch  with  an  overturned 
shed  and  went  over  the  fence  like  cats.  Tumbling  down  the 
bank,  they  fled  into  the  woods  before  reinforcements  reached 
the  disorganized  guards.  An  all-night  search  party  corralled 
a  part  of  them,  but  thirty-one  concealed  themselves  successfully 
and  were  seen  no  more  at  Camp  Morton.36 

There  was  wrath  at  the  camp.  Stevens  and  other  officials 
had  been  asking  for  weeks  for  an  efficient  guard  regiment  to 
support  the  Fifth  Veteran  Reserves.  The  break  justified  their 
requests,  but  not  in  a  manner  pleasing  to  officialdom.  It  did 
result,  however,  in  the  replacement  of  the  Sixtieth  Massachu- 
setts Volunteer  Infantry  by  the  Forty-third  Indiana,  and  from 
that  time  on,  but  four  men  escaped  from  Camp  Morton.37 

One  group  of  prisoners  had  been  trying  for  many  months 
to  secure  their  release  by  amicable  means.  They  were  mostly 
Louisianans  who  had  been  captured  in  the  Vicksburg  campaign 

35Castleman,  Active  Service,  147-48,  172-79;  Official  Records,  2  series, 
VIII,  704-5. 

36Wyeth,  "Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI, 
849;  "Treatment  of  Prisoners  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLII, 
768;  Alvin  P.  Hovey  to  Captain  C.  H.  Potter,  November  15,  1864,  photostat, 
Indiana  Division,  Indiana  State  Library,  from  War  Department,  Northern 
Department  Letter  Books,  Vol.  70,  p.  100;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VII, 
1 146. 

37District  Special  Orders  175,  November  16,  1864,  Mereness  Calendar, 
War  Department,  Northern  Department  Orders,  Vol.  84,  p.  39. 

i"  s 

e   ° 


in  July,  1863.  Many  of  them  had  been  conscripted  into  service 
and  were  not  sorry  to  be  taken  prisoners.  When  offered 
parole  on  the  field,  they  refused  it,  having  got  the  impression 
from  some  source  that  they  would  be  allowed  to  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  Union  and  return  home. 

Instead  of  being  sent  to  St.  Louis  or  Memphis,  given  the 
oath  and  released,  as  they  expected,  they  were  sent  to  Camp 
Morton,  and  there  they  had  remained.  They  kept  themselves 
aloof  from  the  other  prisoners,  and  presently,  under  the 
leadership  of  Louis  Lefebvre,  began  an  agitation  to  secure 
their  liberty.  Stevens  was  impressed  by  their  story  and  by 
their  good  behavior.  He  gave  them  what  help  he  could,  and 
allowed  them  to  communicate  with  their  New  Orleans  friends. 
In  May,  1864,  Governor  Hahn  of  Louisiana  petitioned  for 
their  discharge,  and  in  July,  Adjutant  General  Noble,  of  In- 
diana, wrote  to  Hoffman  on  their  behalf.  It  was  decided 
at  Washington,  however,  that  no  exception  to  the  rules  could 
be  made  in  their  case :  the  amnesty  proclamation  did  not  apply 
to  prisoners  of  war,  and  the  Louisianans  were  in  no  way  dis- 
tinguished from  other  prisoners  who  wished  to  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance. 

Noble  next  applied  to  the  generals  who  had  been  in  charge 
of  operations  at  Vicksburg.  Had  any  promises  been  made  to 
the  Louisianans?  Major  General  John  A.  Logan  had  made 
none ;  General  Sherman  said  that  Grant  must  know  about  the 
matter  if  anyone  did;  Grant  replied  that  he  had  made  no 
pledges,  but  recommended  on  September  22  that  all  prisoners 
sent  north  from  Vicksburg  after  its  capture  be  allowed  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  and  be  set  at  liberty. 

An  order  for  their  release  was  given  on  November  25.  As 
soon  as  the  prisoners'  rolls  were  forwarded,  the  oath  of  allegi- 
ance was  administered  to  over  four  hundred  and  fifty  men 
and  they  were  released  on  January  2  and  3,  1865.  After 
eighteen  months  of  confinement  they  were  a  worn,  ragged, 
sorry  crew,  most  of  them  without  funds;  the  Sentinel,  indig- 
nant at  their  long,  undeserved  imprisonment,  demanded  that 
they  be  given  care  and  assistance  in  making  their  way  home. 
The  prisoners  themselves  showed  a  generous  spirit,  acknowledg- 


ing  with  gratitude  the  efforts  that  had  been  made  on  their 
behalf  by  camp  and  state  officials.38 

February,  1865,  was  a  month  the  prisoners  had  several 
reasons  to  remember.  On  the  first  of  the  month  the  rations 
of  nonworking  prisoners  were  cut  again.  The  issue  of  hard 
bread  was  reduced  from  14  to  10  ounces,  but  this  reduction  did 
not  cause  much  additional  discomfort  at  Camp  Morton  where 
prisoners  received  fresh  bread  from  the  post  baker.  The 
soap  ration  was  reduced  one  half,  the  salt  issue  almost  that 
much,  and  the  vinegar  ration  was  cut  one  third.  The  new 
regulations  provided  that  these  three  items,  if  insufficient, 
might  be  increased  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  post 
not  to  exceed  the  ration  allowed  soldiers  of  the  Union  Army. 
Antiscorbutics  were  to  be  purchased  from  the  prison  fund  if 
post  surgeon  and  commandant  certified  that  they  were  neces- 
sary. It  is  possible  that  Stevens  and  Surgeon  Kipp,  influenced 
by  the  heavy  fatalities  during  the  winter  months,  took  advantage 
of  these  provisos  to  keep  the  rations  of  salt,  vinegar,  and  vege- 
tables at  an  adequate  figure.  About  the  middle  of  the  month, 
after  a  complaint  from  the  Confederate  agent  of  exchange, 
camp  sutlers  were  again  permitted  to  sell  vegetables ;  other 
foods  and  necessary  clothing  were  allowed  by  a  later  order.39 

The  cut  in  the  soap  ration  was  less  distressing  at  the 
moment.  In  December  Lieutenant  Davidson  had  found  the 
men  throwing  their  soap  around  the  barracks.  It  was  a  sorry 
spectacle  to  be  witnessed  by  the  man  who  had  expended  much 
energy  in  improving  the  sanitary  condition  of  barracks  and 
prisoners,  but  common  humanity  forbade  his  compelling  them 
to  continue  their  outdoor  bathing  and  laundry  in  icy  weather.40 

In  the  middle  of  the  month  Governor  Morton  adjourned 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  466-67,  520,  608-10,  1158,  1179,  1232; 
Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  4,  1865,  p.  3,  c.  2.  Lefebvre  and  a  companion 
made  a  table  and  box  for  Mrs.  Stevens,  as  a  token  of  their  appreciation  of 
Colonel  Stevens'  kindness.    Carnahan,  Camp  Morton,  17. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  62-63,  113,  144,  187-88,  209-10,  215, 
310,  358,  412,  506.  A  district  special  order  of  August  2,  1864,  required  that 
bread  for  all  the  camps  in  and  around  Indianapolis  be  furnished  from  the  post 
bakehouse.  Mereness  Calendar,  War  Department,  Northern  Department 
Orders,  Vol.  80,  p.  82. 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  1273. 


the  legislature  for  a  morning-  and  led  the  members  out  to  Camp 
Morton  to  see  how  the  rebels  fared.  The  prisoners  behaved 
much  better  than  on  the  inauspicious  occasion  when  the 
Governor  had  introduced  Parson  Brownlow,  standing  quietly 
in  line  with  uncovered  heads  while  the  procession  passed  by. 
Their  uniforms  were  a  faded  motley  of  Confederate  gray  and 
Union  blue,  with  blankets  serving  as  coats  in  many  cases,  but 
according  to  the  Journal  most  of  the  men  appeared  to  be 
comfortably  clothed  and  sufficiently  fed.  The  new  hospital 
quarters  made  a  good  impression.41 

Far  more  momentous  than  legislative  inspections  and  ration 
cuts  was  the  knowledge  that  exchange  of  prisoners  had  recom- 
menced and  that  Stevens  had  been  ordered  to  make  preparations 
for  it.  Increasing  clamor  among  the  citizens  and  a  flood  of  peti- 
tions from  the  wretched  Union  men  in  the  Andersonville, 
Macon,  Charleston,  and  Savannah  prison  camps  had  forced 
the  hands  of  Stanton  and  Grant,  who  believed  that  one 
way  to  shorten  the  war  was  to  hang  on  to  all  Con- 
federate prisoners.  Grant  put  the  matter  realistically  in 
a  letter  of  August  18,  1864 :42 

4Tt  is  hard  on  our  men  held  in  Southern  prisons  not  to 
exchange  them,  but  it  is  humanity  to  those  left  in  the  ranks  to 
fight  our  battles.  Every  man  we  hold,  when  released  on 
parole  or  otherwise,  becomes  an  active  soldier  against  us  at 
once  either  directly  or  indirectly.  If  we  commence  a  system  of 
exchange  which  liberates  all  prisoners  taken,  we  will  have  to 
fight  on  until  the  whole  South  is  exterminated." 

Butler,  then  in  charge  of  exchange,  had  the  happy  idea  of 
exchanging  invalids  who  would  not  be  ready  for  the  field  in 
less  than  sixty  days.  This  would  fit  in  with  Grant's  ideas  and 
at  the  same  time  quiet  the  public  anger  to  some  degree. 
Hoffman  informed  camp  commandants  of  this  plan  on 
October  1,  and  directed  them  to  be  ready  for  the  order  to  send 
sick  prisoners  forward.  Some  exchanges  of  this  sort  took 
place  in  the  East  during  the  autumn,  but  no  men  were  sent 
from  Camp  Morton.43 

"Indiana   House  Journal,   1865,   p.   415;   Senate  Journal,   1865,   p.   341; 
Indianapolis  Journal,  February  16,  1865,  p.  1,  c.  1. 
i2Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  606-7. 
iZIbid.,  VII,  71)3,  907. 


On  the  fifteenth  of  October  Grant  took  over  the  business 
of  exchange.  Pressed  by  insistent  citizens  and  a  harrassed 
Congress,  he  began  negotiations  for  the  exchange  of  all 
prisoners,  and  on  February  2,  1865,  ordered  his  agent,  Colonel 
John  E.  Mulford,  to  arrange  for  the  delivery  of  three  thousand 
a  week.  To  delay  the  reinforcement  of  the  Confederate  armies 
by  returning  prisoners,  he  asked  that  disabled  troops  from  the 
states  of  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Arkansas,  Tennessee,  and 
Louisiana — all  now  under  Federal  control — be  sent  first.44  This 
part  of  the  order  immediately  produced  a  new  problem :  a 
large  proportion  of  the  prisoners  from  the  conquered  states 
did  not  want  to  be  exchanged. 

At  Camp  Morton,  for  example,  Stevens  discovered  that  out 
of  the  1,882  prisoners  from  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
Arkansas,  and  Louisiana — about  45  per  cent  of  the  whole 
number  of  prisoners  in  camp — only  366  wanted  to  be  ex- 
changed. "The  remaining  1,516,"  reported  Stevens,  "express 
freely  their  desire  to  remain  in  prison  until  such  time  as  they 
can  be  released  by  taking  the  oath  as  prescribed  in  the  Presi- 
dent's proclamation,  December  8,  1863."  They  were  heartily 
sick  of  war;  their  states  were  out  of  the  struggle;  and  most  of 
them  wanted  nothing  but  a  chance  to  rejoin  their  families  and 
begin  life  over.  Grant  would  have  sent  them  on,  but  the 
Secretary  of  War  directed  that  they  be  held  at  the  camp 
until  further  orders.45 

The  two  thousand  prisoners  who  left  Camp  Morton  for 
exchange  in  February  and  March,  were,  then,  men  who  were 
eager  to  be  back  in  the  Confederate  lines,  though  a  large 
number  of  them  were  unfit  for  immediate  service.  In  one 
installment  of  five  hundred,  two  hundred  were  convalescents — 
the  Sentinel  predicted  gloomily  that  many  of  them  would  never 
reach  their  destination.  The  first  lot  started  off  on  February 
19,  in  charge  of  a  lieutenant  and  a  hundred  men.  Cooked 
rations  were   supplied   for   four  days.      They  were  taken  by 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  97-98,  170. 

45Indianapolis  Journal,  February  8,  1865,  p.  4,  c.  1 ;  February  11,  p.  4,  c.  I ; 
Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  203.  On  February  24,  Hoffman  notified 
all  camp  commandants  that  no  prisoners  were  to  be  sent  for  exchange  who 
did  not  wish  to  go.    Ibid.,  VIII,  301. 


rail  to  Baltimore,  then  by  boat  to  Point  Lookout,  and  from 
there  to  Aiken's  Landing  on  the  James  River,  where  they  were 
turned  over  to  the  Confederate  agents  about  the  first  of 
March.46  Five  hundred  more  left  for  City  Point,  Virginia, 
about  February  25,  and  in  March  another  thousand  were  sent 
forward  in  two  divisions.  Among  them  were  a  few  citizen 
prisoners  whose  homes  were  within  the  rebel  lines.  Citizens 
held  on  grave  charges,  or  undergoing  sentence  were  detained  at 
the  camp.47 

Captain  Castleman  and  Lieutenant  Munford  were  sent 
forward  at  this  time  on  special  exchange.  They  reached  Point 
Lookout,  only  to  be  detained  on  the  strength  of  a  letter  from 
General  Hovey,  who  considered  Castleman  too  dangerous  to 
be  released  and  recommended  that  he  be  tried  or  banished. 
After  several  weeks  of  uncertainty  and  a  sojourn  in  the  Old 
Capital  Prison  at  Washington  they  were  returned  to  Indian- 
apolis. On  June  28,  Castleman  gave  his  parole  to  leave  the 
country  forever;  he  was  put  across  the  river  into  Canada  at 
Detroit  a  few  days  later  and  lived  abroad  until  pardoned  by 
President  Johnson.  Munford  was  finally  allowed  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  and  released.48 

During  February  and  March  six  hundred  Confederates 
were  released  in  addition  to  the  number  who  were  sent  for 
exchange.  Some  of  them  belonged  to  the  large  number  of 
prisoners  who  had  refused  parole  at  Vicksburg  in  1863,  and 
whose  release  on  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  had  been  ordered 
some  months  before.49     The  rest — enough  to  make  up  two 

46Mereness  Calendar,  Post  Special  Orders  12,  14,  16,  and  19,  Camp 
Morton,  Indiana,  February  17  and  25,  March  4  and  14,  1865,  War  Depart- 
ment, Northern  Department  Orders,  Vol.  126,  pp.  54,  55,  56,  59;  Wyeth, 
"Cold  Cheer  at  Camp  Morton,"  in  Century  Magazine,  XLI,  852 ;  Carnahan, 
Camp  Morton,  59;  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  February  23,  1865,  p.  3,  c.  1; 
February  27,  p.  3,  c.  1  ;  March  16,  p.  3,  c.  I. 

"Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  329- 

48Castleman,  Active  Service,  180-88;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII, 
368-69,  477,  519,  704-5;  Stevens  to  Hoffman,  March  23,  1865,  Hoffman  to 
Stevens,  March  24,  1865,  Mereness  Calendar,  War  Department,  Letters  Re- 
ceived, Secretary  of  War ;  Hovey  to  S.  C.  Skinner,  June  28,  1865,  ibid.,  War 
Department,  Northern  Department  Letter  Books,  Vol.  70,  p.  105. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VII,  11 58. 


companies — enlisted  in  the  Union  Army  and  were  transferred 
to  duty  at  Camp  Douglas,  Chicago.50 

On  the  first  of  April,  1865,  there  remained  at  Camp  Morton 
1,408  prisoners.  Lee's  surrender  on  the  ninth,  removing  the 
last  possibility  of  a  victory  for  the  Confederacy,  wiped  out 
Grant's  objections  to  releasing  them.  There  remained  the 
problem  of  getting  them  back  to  their  homes  in  as  orderly  a 
fashion  as  possible.  Preference  was  given  those  who  had 
refused  exchange  and  signified  their  willingness  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  before  the  capture  of  Richmond.  Camp 
commandants  administered  the  oath  and  the  discharged 
prisoners  were  furnished  transportation  home.51 

Camp  Morton  was  almost  depopulated  by  the  end  of  May. 
Day  after  day  Stevens  discharged  groups  of  from  forty  to 
three  or  four  hundred  Confederates,  until  by  June  1  there  were 
only  308  prisoners  left  in  camp.  Many  of  the  ragged  and 
penniless  Southerners  made  applications  for  work  as  soon  as 
they  were  released.52 

A  General  Order  of  June  6  provided  for  the  release  of 
prisoners  who  had  not  been  included  in  any  former  order. 
Commanders  were  instructed  to  begin  discharges  with  the  men 
who  had  been  longest  in  prison  and  those  who  were  furthest 
from  their  homes.  The  oath  of  allegiance  was  required 
of  all;  those  who  wished  to,  were  permitted  to  take  the 
oath  of  amnesty.53 

The  last  group  departed  from  Indianapolis  as  several 
Indiana  regiments  returned  to  the  jubilant  and  lavish  welcome 

50General  Hovey  had  recommended  the  enlistment  of  prisoners  of  war 
at  Camp  Morton  in  September,  1864.  Mereness  Calendar,  War  Department, 
Northern  Department  Letter  Books,  Vol.  69,  pp.  138-39.  An  order  for  the 
enlistment  of  two  companies  was  given  on  March  14,  1865.  Ibid.,  War 
Department,  Northern  Department  Orders,  Vol.  84,  pp.  22,  24-25 ;  Vol.  126, 
p.  61. 

51General  Orders  No.  85,  May  8,  1865,  Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII, 
538.    This  order  excepted  all  officers  above  the  rank  of  colonel. 

"Mereness  Calendar,  Post  Special  Orders,  May  10,  1865  and  following, 
War  Department,  Northern  Department  Orders,  Vol.  126,  pp.  67  ff. ;  Indian- 
apolis Sentinel,  May  12,  1865,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  May  22,  p.  3,  c.  1 ;  May  23,  p.  3,  c.  1. 

^Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  641.  Officers  above  the  rank  of  cap- 
tain and  graduates  of  the  United  States  Naval  or  Military  academies  were 


of  a  happy  state.  No  one  could  look  upon  the  two  groups  of 
men  and  remain  untouched  by  the  contrast  between  them. 
"Yesterday  .  .  .  the  last  remnant  of  the  rebel  prisoners  con- 
fined in  Camp  Morton  were  released, "  said  the  Journal  of  June 
14.  "In  tattered  gray  and  butternut  the  poor  fellows  straggled 
down  our  streets  in  search  of  transportation  to  their  homes. 
The  departure  of  many  of  these  has  been  delayed  because  they 
were  in  the  hospital.  As  we  saw  them,  haggard  and  pale, 
tottering  along  with  their  little  poverty-stricken  bundles,  we 
felt  sincerely  sorry  for  them.  In  our  heart  there  was  no  bitter- 
ness of  feeling  against  them ;  and  we  were  glad,  without 
qualification,  that  they  were  free  once  more. 

"...  They  go  back  to  a  conquered  country — to  overgrown 
fields — to  ruined  villages — to  homes,  the  chimneys  of  which 
only  are  left.  This  could  not  be  helped.  War  is  a  hard  thing, 
and  it  leaves  a  black  and  damning  trail."54 

In  the  military  prison  at  Camp  Morton  there  remained 
seven  unhappy  men  who  should  have  been  sharing  the  welcome 
given  the  Union  troops.  They  had  deserted  from  the  Union 
Army,  and  while  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  had  taken 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Confederate  Government  and 
joined  the  rebel  forces.  When  chance  made  them  prisoners  of 
their  former  comrades  they  were  conveyed  to  the  Camp  Morton 

Now  that  the  war  was  over,  officials  were  eager  to  get 
them  off  their  hands  as  quietly  as  possible.  No  one  wanted  an 
expensive  and  embarrassing  trial,  and  the  men  could  do  no 
harm  if  released.  Like  the  other  prisoners  they  were  given  the 
oath  of  allegiance  and  set  free.  Forty  members  of  the  Veteran 
Reserve  Corps  who  had  been  consigned  to  the  guardhouse  for 
mutiny  were  disposed  of  with  the  same  regard  for  peace 
and  economy :  they  were  given  a  dishonorable  discharge 
without  pay.55 

Left  in  Greenlawn  Cemetery  were  the  bodies  of  the  Con- 
federates who  had  died  at  Camp  Morton  since  February,  1862. 
Some  of  the  bodies  were  later  exhumed  and  returned  to 
relatives  in  the   South ;  most  of  them  remained   in  the  little 

"Indianapolis  Journal,  June  14,  1865,  p.  2,  c.  r. 
'""Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  691-92,  704-5. 


cemetery,  the  long  ranges  of  graves  slowly  disappearing  under 
a  growth  of  high  grass,  the  painted  identification  numbers  on 
the  wooden  headboards  fading  into  undecipherable  blurs.  In 
the  sixties,  the  old  City  Cemetery  and  Greenlawn  ceased  to  be 
used  as  public  burial  places,  and  industrial  developments  began 
to  encroach  upon  the  site.  Occasional  inquiries  were  made  by 
officers  of  Confederate  associations  as  to  the  condition  of 
the  prisoners'  graves,  but  nothing  was  done  about  renumbering 
them  or  improving  their  condition. 

In  the  1870' s  the  Vandalia  Railroad,  needing  part  of  the 
ground  for  an  engine  house  and  additional  tracks,  exchanged 
some  property  on  the  west  side  of  the  cemetery  for  ground  on 
the  north  line  in  which  there  were  two  rows  of  graves.  The 
bodies  from  these  two  rows  were  removed  and  reburied  in  two 
parallel  trenches,  but  the  new  graves  were  not  marked.  In 
1906  Colonel  William  Elliott,  detailed  by  the  War  Department 
to  locate  the  burial  place  of  the  Confederate  dead,  examined  the 
area,  and  decided  that  a  plot  about  forty-five  feet  wide  by  two 
hundred  feet  long  near  the  present  site  of  the  Diamond  Chain 
plant,  was  the  place  where  the  reinterments  had  been  made  in 
1870.  This  space  was  enclosed  by  an  iron  fence,  and  in  1912, 
the  Federal  Government  erected  a  monument  there  in  honor  of 
the  Confederate  prisoners  buried  at  Greenlawn. 

As  growing  industries  of  the  section  continued  to  press 
hard  upon  the  memorial,  the  Southern  Club  of  Indianapolis 
asked  the  Board  of  Park  Commissioners  for  permission  to 
remove  the  monument  to  Garfield  Park.  In  1928  it  was  re- 
moved to  its  present  position  in  the  southern  section  of  the 
park.  The  names  and  organizations  of  the  dead  are  listed  on 
bronze  tablets ;  the  shaft  bears  the  following  inscription : 



by  THE 

United  States 

to  MARK 

The  Burial  Place 

of  1616  Confederate 

Soldiers  and  Sailors 

Who  died  Here 

While  Prisoners 

of  War 

And  Whose  Graves 

Cannot  Now  be 


The  plot  enclosed  after  Colonel  Elliott's  investigation  is 
now  overgrown  with  weeds  and  grass,  earth  has  been  filled  in 
and  the  fence  removed.  An  old  resident  who  said  he  had 
witnessed  the  reinterment  of  bodies  made  in  1870,  believed  that 
it  was  made  at  least  a  hundred  yards  southwest  of  the  plot 
designated  by  Colonel  Elliott,  but  it  has  been  proved  that  there 
were  some  burials  in  the  enclosed  area,  and  in  1931  the  War 
Department  had  them  removed  to  Crown  Hill  Cemetery. 
They  are  buried  along  the  north  side  of  Section  32  and  the 
place  is  marked  by  a  dignified  stone  monument.56 

At  Camp  Morton,  disposal  of  camp  property  began  as  soon 
as  the  prisoners  were  gone.  Property  that  had  been  purchased 
from  the  prisoners'  fund  was  appraised  and  sold  at  public  auc- 
tion in  July,  1865,  and  on  August  2  the  buildings  were  declared 
vacant.    Claims  of  the  State  Board  of  Agriculture  for  damages 

66Indianapolis  Sentinel,  January  31,  1865,  p.  3,  c.  1;  Indianapolis  News, 
February  24,  1897,  p.  6,  c.  3 ;  November  29,  1906,  p.  5,  c.  2 ;  p.  6,  c.  3 ;  Report 
of  Fifth  Corps  Area  Inspector  to  the  Inspector  General,  February  17,  1931 ; 
interview  with  the  late  David  I.  McCormick ;  Crown  Hill  Cemetery  Records ; 
Transcript  of  the  Grave  Stones  Remaining  in  Greenlawn  Cemetery,  Indian- 
apolis, 1920,  compiled  under  the  supervision  of  Joseph  R.  H.  Moore,  and 
presented  to  the  Indiana  State  Library. 


to  the  fairgrounds  were  eventually  settled  by  the  United 
States  for  $9,8i6.56.57 

There  was  little  about  the  Camp  Morton  of  midsummer, 
1865,  to  recall  Henderson's  Grove  or  the  fairgrounds  of  186 1. 
Hundreds  of  trees  had  been  cut  for  lumber  or  firewood,  and 
the  earth  was  pitted  and  scarred.  Three  thousand  dollars  was 
voted  by  the  city  for  its  rehabilitation.  Later  an  "exposition 
building"  was  erected,  and  the  grounds  were  used  by  the  fair 
association  until  the  nineties.  Under  the  pressure  of  a  growing 
population,  the  property  was  sold,  the  state  ditch  was  supplanted 
by  a  part  of  the  city's  drainage  system,  streets  were  built,  and 
the  area  was  platted  as  a  residence  district  which  is  still  known 
as  Morton  Place.58 

Between  19 13  and  191 5  two  or  three  different  groups  and 
organizations  made  tentative  plans  to  mark  the  site  of  Camp 
Morton,  but  for  some  reason  none  of  these  was  carried  out.  In 
19 16  the  teachers  and  pupils  of  School  Forty-five  (at  Park 
Avenue  and  Twenty-third  Street)  marked  the  camp  site  by  a 
boulder  placed  at  Alabama  and  Nineteenth  streets  where  the 
main  entrance  to  the  enclosure  probably  lay.59  Cut  into  the 
stone  is  the  following  inscription : 



57Mereness  Calendar,  Post  Orders  6  and  10,  Camp  Morton,  June  28  and 
July  15,  1865,  War  Department,  Northern  Department  Orders,  Vol.  126, 
pp.  in,  114;  Official  Records,  2  series,  VIII,  714;  State  Board  of  Agricul- 
ture, Report,  1868,  p.  29. 

58Brown,  "History  of  Indianapolis,"  in  Logan's  Indianapolis  Direc- 
tory .  .  .  1868,  p.  64 ;  deed  of  December  22,  1891,  Deed  Book  25,  p.  243,  Marion 
County  Courthouse 

59Indianapolis  News,  August  15,  1913  ;  January  16,  1915  ;  May  31,  1916; 
Indianapolis  Star,  August  29,  1914. 























0  w 










1862  July 

























1863  July 































































1864  Jan. 




























































•  16 







































. . . 



























1865  Jan. 





























































2  series,  VIII, 

from  tables  covering  eleven 


prison  camps,  Official  Records, 




Number  of  months  recorded 25 

Mean  strength  present  2,865 

Cases  Deaths 

All  diseases  and  injuries 9,122  1,187 

Wounds,  injuries  and  unspecified  diseases  259  12 

Specified   diseases    8,863  M75 

Continued  Fevers   55  42 

Malarial   Fevers    1 ,954  1 19 

Eruptive  Fevers    548  85 

Diarrhea  and  Dysentery  2,241  315 

Anemia    68  4 

Consumption     34  26 

Rheumatism    190  5 

Scurvy     778  6 

Bronchitis    178  1 

Pneumonia  and  Pleurisy   1,351  495 

Other  diseases  1 ,466  yy 

Total  specified  diseases    8,863  1,175 

xAdapted  from  Table  XVIII,  covering  nine  prison  depots,  in  Medical 
and  Surgical  History  of  the  War,  Medical  Volume,  pt.  Ill,  46. 



L  M      N       N5 

S     o   o   o 

?l    XX    O     M     ir.    O 

I  I  «  I 

«« *g  :: 

•*  5  ^? 

.a  2  c 

t/i  ?         O 

=  £  £  £  ^    o  ~ 

£    « 


OOO     -J"    O     ^    00     ^1     t^    t,  O 



>        ^XOO^O^l'tOMKiOVO-t 


O        J    Zl     w 

N      N      N      N      N 

c#   •§ 

•P  -  *° 

3    £l 

O    "     u 

I  I 

^O  vO    -+■  O 

00     <N     K   »0\0     "t 

1  ri 

ifl     ifl     in 

X5    .O    -O    -O 

0    o    o    o    0    cr  a  S3  «  s    ^  S3  3=  ^    5a 

•tOO   00     -fOOOO     f    K    10°°     -TO     10    M     11 

o    be   o 

*s  o  'g 

-  5    o 

£  a -a 

t>  tf    V 

O    o    rt 

'S  •§  .2 

u    »-    u, 
y    «    <u 


0  o* 

0,  n3  $ 

u,  U  l» 

*p  ^  = 

«5    S    b£ 

o    3? 


ri     re     —     ^   ■ —     o 
u     o    «    rt    «  m 

:—  x  u      r-^  <^ 

<-5     CO 

S3      ?  ->  £    u.  JS 

So  L"    5 

>   Oh  ft    S 





Rations    of 

number  of 
































(310  bbls., 
1    86  lbs. 





f      5  bbls., 
1    20  lbs. 



S  466  bbls., 
1    38  lbs. 





(    16  bbls., 
1  138  lbs. 



S  473  bbls., 
\  188  lbs. 






f  414  bbls., 
1    46  lbs. 







(411  bbls., 
1      3  lbs. 







S  498  bbls., 
1  163  lbs. 






(    12  bbls., 
1  102  lbs. 



C  578  bbls., 

1    43  lbs. 








(624  bbls., 
\    26  lbs. 








\  448  bbls., 
\    24  lbs. 





149  lbs. 



(579  bbls., 
1    67  lbs. 





24  lbs. 




S  595  bbls., 
1    15  lbs. 













Lbs.    |    Lbs. 
188,533    50,216 


91,81  10 






Rations   of 






CD     CO 

«-M     O 







-  C 

CO  • .-; 




<v  rn 


































































































I    Lbs. 










1  34,8o5 











1  Adapted  from  a  table  printed  in  Carnahan,  Camp  Morton,  pp.  54-55- 



Adams,  Lt.  J.  W.,  297. 

Aiken's  Landing  (Va.),  371. 

Alexander,  Charles  T.,  medical  in- 
spector, recommendations  for 
Camp  Morton,  354,  355. 

Allegheny  and  Portage  Railway, 

Amboy  (Ind.),  Friends'  Academy, 
account  of,  196-97 ;  mentioned, 

A.nderson  (Ind.),  Indianapolis  and 
Bellefontaine  Railroad  reaches, 

Annapolis  (Md.),  camp  for  paroled 
prisoners  at,  301. 

Antislavery  Friends,  194. 

Arkansas  Post,  315. 

Arba   (Ind.),  Friends'  school,   166. 

Arcemont,  Goacin,  345. 

Armstrong,  Thomas,  198. 

Babb,  Clement  E.,  86-87. 

Bakehouse,  Camp  Morton,  267,  368. 

Baldwin  Locomotive  Works,  107, 

Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  see 
Junction  Railroad;  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  Railroad  Company. 

Beall,  Gen.  William  N.  R.,  361. 

Beech  Grove  Monthly  Meeting, 
elementary  school,  168. 

Beech  Grove  Seminary  (Union 
Co.),  195-96. 

Benezet,  Anthony,  123. 

Bethel  Friends'  school  (Morgan 
Co.),  167-68. 

Bethel  Friends'  school  (Wayne 
Co.),  account  of,  160;  curricu- 
lum, 142. 

Biddlc,  Col.  James,  commandant  at 
Camp  Morton,  316,  322. 

Bin  ford,  John  H.,  194. 

Bin  ford,  Mattie,  194. 

Blankets,  see  Camp  Morton,  prison 
camp,  clothing  and  blankets. 

Bloomingdale  Academy,  account  of, 
197-98;  closes,  214;  courses  of 
study,  185-87 ;  items  from  cata- 
logue, 181-83;  spiritual  instruc- 
tion, 180;  mentioned,  177. 

Bloomington  (Ind.),  failure  of 
project  for  railroad  from  Co- 
lumbus to,  74-76. 

Blue  River  Academy  (Washington 
Co.),  200-1. 

Blue  River  Quarter,  Western 
Yearly  Meeting,  167. 

Bobbs,  Dr.  John  S.,  medical  inspec- 
tor, Camp  Morton  training 
camp,  240;  surgeon,  Camp 
Morton  prison  camp,  305,  325, 

Bond,  Pleasant,  168. 

Boone,  Richard  G.,  on  Beech  Grove 
Seminary,  196;  principal,  Sand 
Creek  Friends'  Seminary,  204; 
mentioned,  150. 

Bradley,  J.  H.,  director,  Columbus 
and  Bloomington  Railroad,  75. 

Bragg,  Gen.  Braxton,  284. 

Brattain,  Robert,  127-28. 

Breckenridge,  Samuel,  365. 

Bridgeport  Monthly  Meeting,  ele- 
mentary school,  138,  169-70. 

Bright,  Michael  G.,  70,  71. 

British  Corn  Laws,  effect  of  re- 
peal on  Madison  and  Indianap- 
olis Railroad,  30-31. 




B rough,  John,  on  American  and 
English  -[-  rails,  105  ;  president, 
Madison  and  Indianapolis  Rail- 
road, 82,  83  ;  president,  Union 
Board,  ioin ;  urges  Madison  to 
finance  railroad,  71-72. 

Brown,  Austin  H.,  editor,  Indiana 
State  Sentinel,  7 ;  on  rivalry 
between  Indianapolis  and  Mad- 
ison, 95-98. 

Brown,  Oliver,  150. 

Brown,  William  J.,  editor,  Indiana 
State  Sentinel,  7. 

Brown  County,  railroad  through, 
predicted,  74. 

Browning,  Edmund,  58n. 

Brownlow,  Rev.  William  G.,  278- 
79,  369. 

Brushwood  Friends'  school  (Mar- 
ion Co.),  168-69. 

Buckner,  Gen.  Simon  B.,  impris- 
oned in  Indianapolis,  259 ;  men- 
tioned, 284. 

Bullard,  Dr.  Talbot,  307. 

Bullard,  Dr.  Will,  307. 

Butler,   Gen.  Benjamin  F.,  369. 

Cadiz  Friends'  school,  162. 

Cambridge  City  (Ind.),  railroad  to 
Columbus  from,  86. 

Cameron,  Simon,  Secretary  of 
War,  251. 

Camp  Burnside  (Indianapolis),  280. 

Camp  Butler  (Springfield,  111.), 
Civil  War  prison  camp,  253. 

Camp  Carrington  (Indianapolis), 

Camp  Chase  (Columbus,  Ohio), 
Civil  War  prison  camp,  criti- 
cism of  laxness  at,  270;  used 
for  paroled  prisoners,  301,  302; 
mentioned,  253,  259,  260,  335, 

Camp  Douglas  (Chicago,  111.),  253, 
255,  324,  350,  366,  372. 

Camp  Morton  (Indianapolis),  fair 
grounds  appropriated  for,  250, 

military    prison,    erection    of, 
343,  365; 

parolee  camp,  301-4; 
prison   camp,   arrivals,    256-58, 
315,  318-19,  324,  336;  captives 
from  Morgan's  raid,  322,  323- 
24;  care  of  dead,  312-13,  374, 
375 ;    clearing   and   closing   of, 
372-73,      376;      clothing      and 
blankets,  260,  268-69,  290,  329, 
33^-37,   338,   339-40,   342,   360- 
61 ;  commandants :  James  Bid- 
die,  316-22;  Albert  J.  Guth- 
ridge,  322,  327-28 ;  David  W. 
Hamilton,    323-27 ;    Richard 
Owen,    262-85;    David    Gar- 
land Rose,  286-304;  Ambrose 
A.  Stevens,  333  ff. ;  differ- 
ences    in    administration 
among,    283-84,   288,   322-23, 
333,  343 ;  duties,  265-66,  268, 
289,  290; 
considered     undesirable     place 
for  prisoners,  317-18,  319,  320; 
deaths,   311 -12,   324,   329,   336, 
341,  342-43,  358,  379,    (table) 
380;  deplorable  condition,  314, 
325,  327-31,  334,  343,  353;  dis- 
arming of  prisoners,  274,  289; 
division  of  prisoners  into  com- 
panies,   263,    264,    289;    emer- 
gency   aid    for    first    arrivals, 
260-61,     305-8;     escapes     and 


276-79,   292-93, 

327,  343-48,  363-65  ;  exchanges  : 
T862,  pp.  293-300;  1863,  pp. 
317,   370-72:    chart   of,   379; 

Federal  control,  314;  food: 
bakehouse,  267,  368;  bone 
butter,  359-60 ;  bartering  for, 
359-60 ;  preparation,  330,  338- 
39,  353;  rat  and  dog  eating, 



360;  rations,  266-67,  328-29, 
337-38,  350-51,  352-53,  354- 
55,  360,  368,  (charts)  381, 
382-83  ;  see  also  sutlers  ; 
fuel,  339,  guards :  arms  for, 
276,  278;  brutality  of  a  few, 
346-47 ;  demoralization  of, 
327;  efficiency  of,  342;  in- 
structions to,  264;  lack  of, 
352,  366 ;  paroled  troops  used 
as,  316,  327;  partially  with- 
drawn during  Morgan's  raid, 
322 ;  quarters  for,  279-80 ; 
regiments  composing,  261-62, 
278,  283,  286-87,  316,  320, 
327,  333,  334,  363;  suffer- 
ings endured  by,  274,  275, 
279-80,  340,  346;  three- 
months  men,  283,  296;  men- 
tioned, 334,  352; 
health  and  diseases,  305,  306, 
311-12,  315,  316,  324,  325,  329, 
334,  336,  34i,  353-54,  380;  hos- 
pitals :  additions  and  expan- 
sions, 310-n,  331-32,  334, 
342,  356-58;  Col.  Clark  on, 
329-30;  condition  of,  316-17, 
326-27,  353-54,  354-55  ;  emer- 
gency, 305-9;  Dr.  Funk- 
houser  on,  331  ;  fund  for, 
289-90,  308,  331,  329;  Hum- 
phreys  on,   325 ;    inadequate, 

305,  316-17,  324-26,  334,  353- 
54,  358;  number  of  patients, 
3ii,  329,  334,  354,  358;  per- 
sonnel   of    staffs,    289,    305, 

306,  307,  309,  310,  316,  329, 
33i,  342,  354;  rent  and  sal- 
aries for,  307,  329; 

inspections :  Surgeon  Alexan- 
der, 354,  355;  Col.  Clark, 
328-31 ;  Lt.  Davidson  355, 
368;  Col.  Hoffman,  256;  In- 
spector Humphreys,  327  ; 

intoxicants,  274,  349 ;  issues  of 

straw  to  prisoners,  268,  339; 
Louisianans  seek  release  from, 
366-67  ;  mail  and  gifts  for  pris- 
oners, regulation  of,  263-64, 
268,  270,  291,  292,  348;  marker, 
374-76;  money  belonging  to 
prisoners,  271-72,  291 ;  number 
of  prisoners,  258,  275,  324,  325, 

353,  372;  petitions  from  pris- 
oners, 280-82;  prisoners'  fund, 
264,  267-68,  290-91,  292,  298, 
308,  350,  354;  prisoners  take 
oath  of  allegiance,  282,  294-95, 
296,  370;  punishments  and 
shooting  of  prisoners,  274-75, 
293,  346-48,  35i ;  quarters,  255- 
56,  301,  3i5-i6,  328,  334,  353, 

354,  355-56;  recreation,  263, 
264,  272-74,  317,  360;  regula- 
tions for  cleanliness,  264,  268, 
276,  342,  343,  354,  355,  368;  re- 
lease of  prisoners  at  close  of 
war,  2>72  ',  retaliation  for  treat- 
ment of  Union  prisoners  at, 
326,  2>27 ;  rolls  of  prisoners, 
265-66,  289,  323 ;  rules  govern- 
ing :   issued  by  Owen,  262-65 ; 

by  Hoffman,  289-92; 
soap,  355,  368 ;  status  of  color- 
ed prisoners,  259;  story  of  cele- 
bration of  Confederate  victory 
near  Richmond,  288 ;  suffering 
from  extreme  weather,  336, 
341-42,  353;  sutlers,  263,  272, 
291,  338,  348,  349-50,  358-59,' 
unrest  among  prisoners,  274-75, 
278,  279,  323,  346,  348,  351-52; 
visited  by  Indiana  legislature, 
291-92,  368-69;  visitors'  regula- 
tions, 269-70,  323 ;  weakened 
condition  of  prisoners  upon  ar- 
rival, 260,  305,  3ii,  336;  see 
also  Civil  War,  prisoners; 
training  camp,  care  of  dead, 
247 ;  clothing,  245-46,  250 ;  con- 



fusion,  241,  242,  243-44,  249- 
50 ;  drills,  242-43  ;  medical  serv- 
ice and  health,  240,  246-47; 
opening  of,  240;  order  for  the 
day,  244;  post  office,  244; 
quarters,  240-41,  242;  rations, 
247-49  ;  recreation,  245  ;  regi- 
ments, 242 ;  turnover  among 
officers,  249-50;  visitors,  243- 


Campbell,  William  B.,  295. 

Canals,  see  Transportation;  Wa- 
bash and  Erie  Canal. 

Cann  Bill,  218-19. 

Carmel  (Ind.),  see  Richland  Acad- 

Carnahan,  James  R.,  defense  of 
Camp  Morton,  347n. 

Carrington,  Gen.  Henry  B.,  re- 
ports :  on  conditions  at  Camp 
Morton,  341  ;  on  secret  order 
in  Indiana,  317-T8,  351,  362- 

mentioned,  322,  352. 

Carter,  Elva  Taylor,  169. 

Carthage  (Ind.),  Friends'  Acad- 
emy, account  of,  196;  men- 
tioned, 176. 

Castleman,  Capt.  John  Brecken- 
ridge,  365-66,  371. 

Cathcart,  Andrew,  railroad  engi- 
neer, 55,  61,  107. 

Cedar  Grove  Seminary  (Union 
Co.),  164. 

Center  Friends'  school,  Fairfield 
Quarter,  169. 

Center  Friends'  school,  Thorntown 
Quarter,  171. 

Central  Academy  (Plainfield),  ac- 
count of,  201-2;  closes,  214; 
courses  of  study,  189;  student 
life  at,  189-90. 

Century  Magazine,  articles  on 
Camp  Morton  in,  mentioned, 

Chaplains,  not  held  as  prisoners  in 
Civil  War,  260. 

Chapman,  George  A.,  7. 

Chapman,  Jacob  Page,  editor,  In- 
diana State  Sentinel,  criti- 
cism of  Madison  and  Indian- 
apolis Railroad,  46;  on  effect 
of  Madison  and  Indianapolis 
Railroad  on  Indianapolis,  $$- 
35,  41 ;  on  effect  of  repeal  of 
British  Corn  Laws  on  Indiana 
agriculture,  30-31  ;  on  Madison 
and  Indianapolis  Railroad  acci- 
dent, 32-33  ;  on  Michigan  Road, 
44n-45n ;  on  National  Road, 
15;  on  northern  and  eastern 
railroad  routes  out  of  Indian- 
apolis, 45,  46;  on  W.  H.  H. 
Terrell,  40;  opposes  taxes  for 
completion  of  Madison  and  In- 
dianapolis Railroad,  25 ;  plays 
on  rivalry  between  Indianap- 
olis and  Madison,  49;  reply  to 
Cambridge  Reveille,  49n-50n ; 
urges  agitation  for  Madison 
and  Indianapolis  Railroad,  21- 
22 ;  mentioned,  7-8. 

Charles,  Thomas,  206. 

Chenoweth,  J.  W.,  on  Jericho 
Friends'  school,  166. 

Chester  Monthly  Meeting,  school, 

Chicago  (111.),  rivals  Indianapolis 
for  railroad  business,  58-59. 

Cincinnati  (Ohio),  agricultural 
fair,  82-83 ;  bids  for  trade  from 
central  and  western  Indiana, 
66-69 ;  rivals  Indianapolis  for 
railroad  business,  58-59  ;  travel- 
ing time  between  Indianapolis 
and,  1825,  p.  5;  and  1844,  p. 
25.  See  also  Indianapolis  and 
Cincinnati  Railroad. 

Cincinnati  Commercial,  83. 

Cincinnati  Gazette,  66-69,  78. 



City     Hospital,     see     Indianapolis 

(Ind.),   City   Hospital. 
City  Point   (Va.),  exchange  depot, 

Civil  War,  army  rations,  248;  de- 
serters, 343  ;  effect  of  blockade 
on   South,   268-69 ;    importance 
of  railroads  in,  85n-86n,  I03n ; 
opening,    effect    on    Indianap- 
olis,   239-40;    prisoners:    anti- 
liquor  rule,  349;   camps   for 
paroled,  301-4;  clothing  and 
provisions    for,    269,    336-37, 
361 ;      cost      of      subsisting, 
267;  efforts  to  free,  351-52, 
361-62 ;    exchanges,    296-300, 
317,    335,    369-72;    paroled, 
292;  rations,  266,  350-51,  368, 
381 ;  release  of  chaplains  and 
surgeons,     260 ;     retaliation, 
326,  335-36,  348;  rules  gov- 
erning,  262,   289-92,   335-36; 
separation  of  officers   from 
their     troops,     253,     258-59; 
status     of     colored     among, 
259,  317;   status  of  guerilla 
and  political,  297,  298;  sys- 
tems of  caring  for,  251-53 ; 
three  types,  251-52;  see  also 
Camp  Morton  and  names  of 
other  prison  camps ; 
raids  into  Indiana,  282,  320-22 ; 
sutlers,   338,   348,   349-50,   358. 
Clark,    Augustus    M.,    medical    in- 
spector, reports  on  Camp  Mor- 
ton, 328-31,  342. 
Clay,  Henry,  14,  15. 
Clear      Spring      Friends'      school 

(Henry  Co.),  161-62. 
Clinton,  De  Witt,  66. 
Clothing,  see  Camp  Morton,  prison 
camp,    clothing    and    blankets ; 
training  camp,  clothing. 
Coffin,    Charles    F.,    Quaker    edu- 
cator, 150. 

Columbus  (Ind.),  advertisement  of 
hotel  in,  25-26;  failure  of 
project  for  railroad  from 
Bloomington  to,  74-76. 

Columbus  and  Cambridge  City 
Railroad,  86. 

Columbus  and  Shelbyville  Railroad, 
71-72,  72n-/3n. 

Columbus  Gazette,  38-40. 

Comly,  John,  quotations  from  Eng- 
lish Grammar ,  146. 

Concord  Quarter,  see  Thorntown 

Cook,    ,    teacher,    Plainfield 

Friends'  school,  169. 

Copeland,  Albert  L.,  on  Lick  Creek 
Friends'  school,  167. 

Cotton,  Fasset,  on  Barnabas  C. 
Hobbs,  149-50 ;  on  education  in 
early  Indiana,  211. 

Cows,  cause  of  railroad  accidents, 


Crawford,  Nathan,  sutler  at  Camp 

Morton,  272. 
Cumberland    Road,    see    National 

Cunningham,  S.  A.,  284-85. 

Davidson,  Lt.  J.  W.,  inspector  at 

Camp  Morton,  355,  368. 
Davis,  Clarkson,  150,  191. 
Davis,  Hannah,  150,  191. 
Defrees,   John   D.,   editor,   Indiana 

State  Journal,  7,  83,  84-85. 
Dennis,      David      W.,      principal, 

Bloomingdale    Academy,     182, 

198;  mentioned,  150. 
Diseases,  see  Camp  Morton,  prison 

camp,     health     and     diseases; 

training  camp,  medical  service 

and  health. 
Dix,  Gen.  John  A.,  299. 
Doan,     Amos,     on     purposes     of 

Friends'  education,  139-41. 
Doan,  Enos,  T50. 



Dodd,  H.  H.,  Indiana  grand  com- 
mander, Sons  of  Liberty,  362- 

Donohue,    Dillard    C,    postmaster, 

Camp  Morton,  244. 
Dougherty,  J.  F.,  244. 
Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  244. 
Dover     Monthly     Meeting     school 

(Wayne  Co.),  account  of,  195; 

curriculum,  142-43. 
Draper,  Luther  O.,  218-19. 
Driftwood  Monthly  Meeting,  127. 
Duck  Creek  Monthly  Meeting,  162. 
Duke,  Gen.  Basil  W.,  362. 
Dunlap,  Dr.  Livingston,  309. 

Earlham  College  (formerly 
Friends'  Boarding  School),  ac- 
count of,  207-9  I  mentioned,  161, 
202,  220. 

Easton  (West  Newton,  Ind.), 
Friends'  school,  168. 

Education,  in  early  Indiana,  211; 
legislation  on,  211,  215,  217, 
218-19  5  see  also  Society  of 
Friends  :  education,  elementary 
schools,  seminaries  and  acad- 
emies ;  names  of  Friends' 

Edwards,  Josiah  P.,  principal, 
Bloomingdale  Academy,  198. 

Ekin,  Capt.  James  A.,  quartermas- 
ter, Indianapolis,  converts 
Camp  Morton  into  prison 
camp,  255-56,  261  ;  mentioned, 
267,  268,  269,  292,  305,  309, 
3i6,    325,    337- 

Elliott,  Col.  William,  374,  375. 

Elm  Grove  Friends'  school  (Henry 
Co.),  63. 

Evansville   (lnd.),  102. 

Exchange  of  prisoners,  see  Camp 
Morton,  prison  camp,  ex- 
changes ;  Civil  War,  prisoners : 

Fairfield  Monthly  Meeting,  ac- 
count of  school,  206;  commit- 
tee on  education,  137,  138,  168. 

Fairfield  Quarter,  Western  Yearly 
Meeting,  168-69. 

Fairgrounds,  see  Indiana  State 

Fairmount  Academy  (Grant  Co.), 
account  of,  192-93 ;  courses  of 
study,  189;  decline  and  closing 
of,  214-15,  216,  219;  men- 
tioned, 178. 

Fairmount  Quarterly  Meeting  (for- 
merly Northern),  192. 

Farmers'  Institute  (Tippecanoe 
Co.),  account  of,  202-3. 

Fitchburg  and  Worcester  Railroad, 

Fite,  Emerson  D.,  on  railroads  in 
Civil  War,  85n-86n,  I03n. 

Flat  Rock  Friends'  school  (Henry 
Co.),  163. 

Fletcher,  Calvin,  238n. 

Fletcher,  Elma,  169. 

Fletcher,  Dr.  William  B.,  244,  306, 


Fort  Delaware  (Del.),  Civil  War 
prison  camp,  318,  319. 

Fort  Donelson  (Tenn.),  captured, 
253  I  prisoners  from,  305. 

Fort  Henry  (Tenn.),  captured, 
253 ;  prisoners   from,  305. 

Fort  Sumter  (S.  C),  239. 

Fort  Warren  (Mass.),  Civil  War 
prison,  253,  254. 

Foster,  Capt.  Thomas,  Jr.,  commis- 
sary of  subsistence  at  Indian- 
apolis and  Camp  Morton,  301, 

Fountain  City  (Ind.),  see  Newport. 

Fox,   George,    Quaker   leader,    123. 

Foxworthy,  Theodore,  218. 

Freedley,  Capt.  H.  W.,  297,  298, 

Friends,  see  Society  of  Friends. 



Friends'  Academy,  later  Hadley's 
Academy  (Wayne  Co.),  161. 

Friends'  Boarding  School,  see  Earl- 
ham  College. 

Friese,  Priscilla,  165. 

Funkhouser,  Dr.  David,  physician 
at  Camp  Morton,  316,  326,  329- 
30,  33 1- 

Garber,  Michael  C,  editor,  Madi- 
son Courier,  7 ;  answers  Cin- 
cinnati Commercial  on  news- 
paper transportation,  83-84 ;  de- 
clares Madison's  prosperity 
unimpaired,  94-95 ;  ridicules  J. 
D.  Def  rees,  83 ;  urges  cessation 
of  spirit  of  rivalry  among  In- 
diana towns,  91. 

General  Assembly  of  Indiana,  see 
Indiana  General  Assembly. 

Geography,  teaching  of,  in  Quaker 
schools,  142. 

Gettysburg,  Battle  of,  321. 

Gibson,  William,  272. 

Gilbert,  Elihu,  164. 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  on  exchange  of 
prisoners,  369,  370;  mentioned, 
318,  367. 

Gravelly  Run  school  (Montgomery 
Co.),  171. 

Greenfield  Monthly  Meeting, 
Farmers'  Institute,  202-3. 

Greenlawn  Cemetery  (Indianap- 
olis), section  for  Confederate 
prisoners,  312,  373-74- 

Green  Mount  Boarding  School 
(Wayne  Co.),  161. 

Greensboro  (Ind.),  Friends'  Semi- 
nary, 162. 

Gresham,  Col.  Walter  Q.,  regiment 
guards  Camp  Morton,  262. 

Guards,  see  Camp  Morton,  prison 
camp,  guards. 

Gummere,  Francis  B.,  "The  Yearly 
Meeting  School,"  207. 

Guthridge,  Capt.  Albert  H.,  com- 
mandant at  Camp  Morton,  322, 
327,  328. 

Hadley,  Hiram,  teacher,  Carthage 
Friends'  Academy,  150,  196. 

Hadley's  Academy,  see  Friend's 

Hager,  John,  5. 

Hahn,  George  M.  D.,  governor  of 
Louisiana,  367. 

Hall,  Henry  R.,  superintendent, 
Madison  and  Indianapolis  Rail- 
road, 4811. 

Halleck,  Gen.  Henry  W.,  seeks 
camps  for  prisoners,  253 ;  de- 
plores retaliation,  335 ;  men- 
tioned, 283,  307,  361. 

Hamilton,  David  W.,  commandant 
of  Camp  Morton,  323,  326. 

Hanover  Academy,  205. 

Hardy's  Fork  Friends'  school 
(Hancock  Co.),  165. 

Harris,  Addison  C,  on  discipline 
in  Friends'  schools,  147-48. 

Hastings,  Seth,  198. 

Haughton,  William,  principal, 
Whitewater  Monthly  Meeting- 
school,  128 ;  mentioned,  147, 

Hayworth,  John  D.,  168. 

Henderson,  Samuel,  237. 

Henderson's  Grove,  237,  238,  240, 

Hiatt,  Isaac,  128. 

Hicksite  Quakers,  schools  in 
Whitewater  Monthly  Meeting, 

Hill,  Gen.  Daniel  H.,  299. 

Hill,  William,  165. 

Hines,  Capt.  Thomas  H.,  invades 
Indiana,   320;    mentioned,   365. 

Hinkle's  Creek  Friends'  school 
(Hamilton  Co.),  172-73. 

Hitchcock,  Gen.  Ethan  A.,  335. 



Hittle,  Anna  R.,  153-54- 
Hobbs,   Barnabas   C,  on  discipline 
in    Quaker    schools,     147 ;    on 
teaching    of    geography,    142 ; 
principal,   Bloomingdale  Acad- 
emy,    185,     197-98;     principal, 
Whitewater   Monthly   Meeting 
school,     128;    quotation     from 
preface  of  reader  by,    144-45 ; 
superintendent,    Earlham    Col- 
lege, 208 ;  tribute  to,  by  Fasset 
Cotton,  149-50;  mentioned,  151. 
Hockett,  Jesse,  170. 
Hodson,  Isaac,  191. 
Hoffman,    Lt.    Col.    William    H., 
commissary  general  of  prison- 
ers, appointment,  251 ;  arranges 
for  prisoners  to  take  oath  of 
allegiance,    296 ;    demands    ac- 
count   of    shooting    prisoners, 
345 ;      dismisses      Dr.      Funk- 
houser,  331 ;  dispute  with  Gen. 
Butler,    348;     efforts    toward 
economy,    255,    309,    354,    355- 
56 ;   failure  to  co-operate  with 
Stevens,  355-58 ;   insists   Camp 
Morton  be  used  as  prison  camp, 
319-20;  inspects  Camp  Morton, 
256;  installs  "Farmers  boilers," 
338;  issues  instructions  on  ex- 
change of  prisoners,  297-98 ;  on 
administration     of      prisoners' 
fund,    268 ;    proposes    erection 
of    bakehouse    at    Camp    Mor- 
ton,   267 ;    reprimands    Stevens 
for      neglect,      337 ;      requests 
clothes    for   prisoners,   336-37 ; 
resigns   for  short  period,  358; 
rules  for  prison  camps,  288-92 ; 
seeks  reduction  in  rations,  350- 
51  ;     suggestions     to     prevent 
escapes,  344 ;  urges  retaliation, 
350-51  ;    mentioned,    262,    283, 
301,  307,  323,  354,  355,  367. 
Hogs,  transportation  of,  53,  54,  55. 

Hole,  Dr.  Allen  D.,  on  Plainfield 
Central  Academy,  189-90 ;  men- 
tioned, 150,  209. 

Hollingsworth,  Isaac,  194. 

Holloway,  Wr.  R.,  on  Madison  and 
Indianapolis  Railroad,  38. 

Holloway,  W.  W.,  answers  Wyeth's 
account  of  Camp  Morton,  347n. 

Honey  Creek  Monthly  Meeting, 
126,  203,  204. 

Honey  Creek  Quarter,  see  New 
London  Quarter. 

Hopewell  (Jennings  Co.,  Ind.), 
Friends'  secondary  school,  206. 

Hopewell  Friends'  school  (Henry 
Co.),  159-60. 

Hopewell  Friends'  school  (Vigo 
Co.),  172. 

Horton,  Cyrus,  138,  168. 

Hospitals,  see  Camp  Morton,  prison 
camp,  hospitals  ;  training  camp, 
medical  service  and  health ;  In- 
dianapolis (Ind.),  City  Hos- 

Hubbard,  John  R.,  principal,  Union 
High  School,  184,  199. 

Humphreys,  Lewis,  medical  inspec- 
tor, report  on  Camp  Morton 
hospital,  325. 

Hunter,  John  B.,  proprieter,  Co- 
lumbus hotel,  26. 

Hutton,  Sarah  A.  E.,  Friends' 
school,  161. 

Indiana,  educational  conditions  in 
early,  211;  effect  of  panic  of 
1837  on,  13 ;  internal  improve- 
ment system,  17-18;  popula- 
tion (1842),  13m 

Indiana  Central  Railroad,  char- 
tered, 78;  completed,  85.  See 
also  Terre  Haute  and  Rich- 
mond Railroad. 

Indiana  General  Assembly,  amends 
charter  of  Madison  and  Indian- 



apolis  Railroad,  26 ;  incorpor- 
ates companies  for  Indianap- 
olis and  Cincinnati  Railroad, 
jy ;  legislation  on  schools,  21 1, 
215,  217,  218-19;  visits  Camp 
Morton,  368-69 ;  mentioned, 

Indiana  State  Fairgrounds,  in  1859- 
61,  pp.  238-39;  appropriated 
for  army  camp,  240;  restored, 

Indiana  State  Journal,  on  effect  of 
Madison  and  Indianapolis  Rail- 
road on  Indianapolis,  40,  41-44; 
on  Union  Station,  101.  See 
also  Brown,  Austin  H. 

Indiana  State  Sentinel,  account  of 
accident  on  Madison  and  In- 
dianapolis Railroad,  11 1;  ac- 
count of  railroad  party  to 
Madison,  50-51  ;  Cincinnatian's 
description  of  Indianapolis,  88- 
89 ;  letters  for  and  against  tax 
levy  to  complete  Madison  and 
Indianapolis  Railroad,  22-24 ; 
on  celebration  of  completion  of 
Peru  and  Indianapolis  Railroad 
to  Noblesville,  80-81 ;  on  effect 
of  Madison  and  Indianapolis 
Railroad  on  business,  40;  on 
mail  service,  15-16;  on  Na- 
tional Road,  13-14;  on  Union 
Station,  100-1  ;  on  rivalry  be- 
tween Indianapolis  and  Madi- 
son, 49 ;  on  Terre  Haute  and 
Richmond  Railroad,  78-79,  79- 
80;  urges  support  of  Madison 
and  Indianapolis  Railroad,  19- 
20.  See  also  Chapman,  Jacob 

Indiana  Statesman  (Indianapolis), 

Indiana  Yearly  Meeting,  accounts 
of  elementary  schools  in,  159- 
67 ;      accounts     of     secondary 

schools  and  colleges  in,  191-97; 
Minutes,  show   effort  to  keep 
standard  of  public  schools  high, 
212;    organized,    128;    reports: 
on     curriculum     in     schools, 
142;    on    education,    129-32; 
on  secondary  schools,  175-76; 
stresses  need  for  Friends'  sec- 
ondary  schools,   216-17;   urges 
Friends      to      support      public 
school  system,  213-14. 
Indianapolis  (Ind.),  celebrates  com- 
pletion of  Madison  and  Indian- 
apolis   Railroad,    36-40;     City 
Hospital:   addition   to,   309-10; 
appropriated   for  army,  246- 
47 ;     used     for     Confederate 
prisoners,    309-10,    324,    326, 
Confederate  prisoners  in  :  atti- 
tude of  citizens  toward,  254, 
256-58,  261,  306,  308-9,  3^5, 
317;    lack   of    care   of    first, 
253 ;    quarters    for    officers 
among,  258-59: 
described  by   Cincinnatian,  88- 
89;  effect  of  railroads  on,  33- 
35,  40-41,  88-89;  Friends'  semi- 
nary,  206-7 ;    in   the    1850's,   p. 
23J ;    railroad    time    card,    84 ; 
"Railroad  City,"  81,  87,  103-4; 
rapid     growth,     6511 ;      rivalry 
with  Madison,  19-20,  49,  89-90, 
92-93,    95-99 ;    Union    Station, 
99-103  ;  Union  Track  Railway, 
99-100,    102-3,    105-6 ;    "village 
at  the  end  of  the  road,"  92,  95  ; 
wealth  of,  in  1851,  pp.  93n-94n  ; 
Washington    Hall    hotel,    58n. 
See  also  Madison  and  Indian- 
apolis Railroad. 
Indianapolis  and  Bellefontaine  Rail- 
road,   completed,    85 ;    descrip- 
tion  of   opening   to   Anderson, 
62-64;    description   of    opening 



to  Pendleton,  61-62;  joins  in 
forming  union  track  and  Union 
Station,  99;  financing  of,  57- 
58,  59-60;  praised  by  Clement 
E.  Babb,  86-87;  schedule,  6on- 
6in,  81. 

Indianapolis  and  Cincinnati  Rail- 
road, 76-77,  102. 

Indianapolis  and  Peru  Railroad,  81. 

Indianapolis  Morning  Journal, 

Invalid  Corps,  see  Veteran  Reserve 

Jackson,  William  N.,  general  ticket 
agent  at  Union  Station,  ioin; 
secretary,  Madison  and  Indian- 
apolis   Railroad    Company,   28. 

Jameson,  Dr.  Patrick  H.,  physician 
at  Camp  Morton,  246,  305,  312, 

Jay,  Allen,  activities  in  Quaker 
education,  150;  on  Earlham 
College,  209 ;  raises  funds  for 
Fairmount  Academy,  193 ; 
teacher,  Mississinewa  Friends' 
school,  167. 

Jay,  Eli,  on  Friends'  school,  128; 
mentioned,   150. 

Jef fersonville,  Madison  and  Indian- 
apolis Railroad,  86.  See  also 
Jef  fersonville  Railroad;  Madi- 
son and  Indianapolis  Railroad. 

Jeffersonville  Railroad,  competes 
with  Madison  and  Indianapolis 
Railroad,  73,  90;  completed,  84, 
85  ;  consolidates  with  Madison 
and  Indianapolis  Railroad,  86; 
financing  of,  69 ;  in  Civil  War, 
85n-86n;  purchases  Shelbyville 
Lateral  Railroad  and  leases 
Shelbyville  and  Knightstown 
Railroad,  70,  71,  72. 

Jericho  Friends'  school  (Randolph 
Co.),  166. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  military  gover- 
nor of  Tennessee,  295. 

Johnson,  John,  23-24. 

Johnson,  Thomas,  238n. 

Johnson,  Dr.  W.  A.,  heads  medical 
corps  at  Camp  Morton,  331, 

Johnson's  Island  (Ohio.),  Civil 
War  prison  camp,  253,  254-55. 

Jones,  Casey,  112. 

Jones,  Edward,  150. 

Jones,  Isaac,  184. 

Jones,  Rufus,  on  hardships  of 
Quaker  pioneers,  133 ;  on  mid- 
week meeting,  152;  on  pioneer 
Quaker  schools,  159;  on 
Quaker  education,  221,  222. 

Joseph  Moore  Museum,  Earlham 
College,  208-9. 

Junction  Railroad,  77-78. 



Kentuckians,  seek  to  visit  prisoners 
in  Camp  Morton,  269. 

Kidd,  Capt.  Meredith  H.,  regiment 
guards  Camp  Morton,  261-62, 
280;  mentioned,  276. 

Kimmel  Law,  192,  214-15. 

Kinney,  Belle,  designs  bust  of  Col. 
Owen,  285. 

Kipp,  Surgeon  Charles  J.,  heads 
medical  corps  at  Camp  Morton, 
342,  354,  356,  358,  368. 

Kitchen,  Dr.  John  M.,  in  charge  of 
City  Hospital,  Indianapolis, 
307,  310;  physician  at  Camp 
Morton  training  camp,  246. 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  317- 
18.    See  also  Sons  of  Liberty. 

Knightstown  and  Shelbyville  Rail- 
road, 52-53- 

Knott,  William,  167. 

Knox,  L.  Gilbert,  286. 

Ladies  Patriotic  Association,  In- 
dianapolis, 245-46,  269. 



Lafayette  and  Indianapolis  Rail- 
road, construction,  8o,  io_>  : 
enters  union  track  and  Union 
Station,  103. 

Lamong,  see  Union  Grove. 

Lanier,  James  F.  D.,  agent,  Madi- 
son and  Indianapolis  Railroad, 

Lawrenceburgh  and  Upper  Missis- 
sippi Railroad,  7711. 

Lazelle,  Capt.,  H.  M.,  297. 

"The  Lazy  Boy,"  145. 

Lee,  Gen.  Robert  E.,  372. 

Lefevbre,  Louis,  367. 

Letcher,  John,  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, 293. 

Lewisville  (Ind.),  high  school  com- 
bined with  Richsquare  Acad- 
emy, 193. 

Lick  Creek  Monthly  Meeting, 
school,  167;  set  up,  126. 

Lickbranch  Friends'  school  (Mar- 
ion Co.),  169. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  President  of 
United  States,  call  for  volun- 
teers, 239 ;  note  in  behalf  of 
Capt.  Castleman,  365 ;  men- 
tioned, 286. 

Locomotive,  for  Madison  and  In- 
dianapolis Railroad,  descrip- 
tion, 107-8. 

Lodge,  John,  conductor  on  Madison 
and  Indianapolis  Railroad,  31- 

Logan,    Gen.    John    A.,    367. 

Logansport   (Ind.),  44m 

Louisiana,  prisoners  at  Camp  Mor- 
ton from,  seek  release,  366-68. 

Louisville  (Ky.),  rivalry  with  Cin- 
cinnati and  Madison  for  trade, 
65,  66,  68,  70,  74. 

Louisville  Courier,  70. 

Louisville  Democrat,  74. 

Louisville  Journal,  269. 

Love,  Gen.  John,  286. 

Lupton,  William  C,  post  quarter- 
master, Camp  Morton,  286, 

Lynn  Friends'  school  (Howard 
Co.),  171. 

Lynn  Friends'  school  (Randolph 
Co.),  167. 

McCarty,  Nicholas,  26,  27n,  35-36. 

McCray,  Warren  T.,  governor  of 
Indiana,  218,  219. 

Mail,  service  to  Indianapolis,  criti- 
cized, 15-16. 

Madison  (Ind.),  builds  Columbus 
and  Shelbyville  Railroad,  71- 
72 ;  described  by  D.  R.  B.  Ne- 
vin,  98-99 ;  interest  in  Colum- 
bus and  Bloomington  Railroad, 
74-76 ;  opposes  railroad  connec- 
tion between  Indianapolis  and 
Cincinnati,  76-77 ;  railroad 
boom,  82;  rivalry  with  Indian- 
apolis, 19-20,  49,  89-90,  92-93, 
95-98;  rivals  Cincinnati  and 
Louisville  for  Indiana  trade, 
65,  66,  67,  69-70. 

Madison  and  Indianapolis  Rail- 
road, accidents,  31-33,  46,  47- 
48 ;  barbecue,  28n-29n ;  busi- 
ness increased  by  repeal  of 
British  Corn  Laws,  30-31  ; 
carries  exhibits  to  Cincinnati 
Agricultural  Fair,  82-83  ;  cele- 
bration of  completion,  36-40; 
completed  almost  to  Columbus, 
16,  18,  25 ;  consolidated  with 
Jeffersonville  line,  86;  cost  of 
fencing,  non-un;  cost  of 
operation,  47-48 ;  criticisms 
and  defenses  of,  46-49,  54-56; 
effect  on  Indianapolis,  17,  33- 
36,  40-44;  feeder  lines,  51-53, 
53-54,  72,  73,  82 ;  financing  of, 
17-18,  18-19,  22-25,  26,  28,  29, 
30;    improvements    and    addi- 



tions,  107-9 ;  Indianapolis  de- 
pot, 26-27,  34,  35-36,  46,  48-49. 
81  ;  joins  in  forming  union 
tracks  and  Union  Station,  99 ; 
list  showing  passengers  and 
freight  carried  by,  28;  ma- 
terials used  in  construction, 
104-5 ;  monopoly,  56-57,  69,  73, 
82,  84-85 ;  political  aspects,  24- 
25,  49n-5on;  profits,  56;  rates, 
37,  40;  schedule,  48n,  81,  92; 
Sentinel  urges  completion  of, 
19-22;  speed,  17,  28-29;  wages 
paid  by,  19. 

Madison  Banner,  49. 

Madison  Courier,  on  criticism  and 
defense  of  Madison  and  In- 
dianapolis Railroad,  54-56;  on 
transportation  of  railroad  parts 
from  Philadelphia  to  Madison, 
5in-52n;  pleads  that  Madison 
not  buy  Shelbyville  Lateral 
Railroad,  71  ;  urges  cessation 
of  spirit  of  rivalry  among  In- 
diana towns,  90-91.  See  also 
Garber,  Michael. 

Mahan,  Col.  John  R.,  302. 

Mansfield,  Col.  John  L.,  286. 

Mansur,  Isaiah,  commissary  gen- 
eral at  Camp  Morton,  247-49. 

Map  showing  railroads  in  Indiana, 


Marion  County  Jail,  267-68. 

Meigs,  Montgomery  C,  quarter- 
master general,  251,  255,  261, 
325,  336. 

Mendenhall,  William,  206-7. 

Merrill,  Samuel,  president,  Madi- 
son and  Indianapolis  Railroad, 
37,  46-49. 

Miami  Monthly  Meeting,  set  up, 

Michigan  Road,  13,  44n-45n. 

Midweek  meeting,  Society  of 
Friends,  151 -54- 

Mil  ford  Monthly  Meeting,  160. 

Mill  Creek  Friends'  school  (Hend- 
ricks Co.),  170. 

Mills,  Joseph  John,  on  importance 
of  Friends  maintaining  own 
schools,  212;  principal,  Sand 
Creek  Friends'  Seminary,  204 ; 
mentioned,  150. 

Mississinewa  Academy,  176. 

Mississinewa  Friends'  school  (Ran- 
dolph Co.),  167. 

Mitchell,  Andrew  F.,  198. 

Moffitt,  William,  179-80. 

Montgomery,  Major  Alexander, 

Monthly  Meeting  Committee  on 
Education,  Society  of  Friends, 


Moon,  Joseph,  150. 

Moore,  Joseph,  Museum,  208-9. 

Moore,  Capt.  L.  L.,  commissary  at 
Camp  Morton,  316. 

Mooresville  (Ind.),  High  School, 

Moreau,  Capt.  Will  C,  245. 

Morgan,  Brig.  Gen.  G.  W.,  282. 

Morgan,  Gen.  John,  raids  into  In- 
diana, 282,  321-22. 

Morgan,  William  B.,  150. 

Morris,  Austin  W.,  35n. 

Morris,  Col.  Thomas  A.,  engineer 
for  construction  of  Union  Sta- 
tion, 100;  on  cost  of  union 
track,  105-6;  on  method  of 
railroad  construction,   106-7. 

Morton,  Oliver  Perry,  governor  of 
Indiana,  appoints  Rose  com- 
mandant at  Camp  Morton, 
286;  efforts  to  keep  Indiana's 
paroled  prisoners  in  state,  301- 
2;  efforts  to  prevent  prisoners 
being  sent  to  Camp  Morton, 
287-88;  orders  for  Camp  Mor- 
ton, 262,  269,  312;  promise  to 
send     10,000    volunteers,    239; 



promise  to  care  for  3000  pris- 
oners, 253 ;  takes  Indiana 
legislature  on  tour  of  Camp 
Morton,  368-69 ;  threatened 
with  assassination,  362 ;  men- 
tioned, 272,  278,  281,  317,  318, 


Morton,  Mrs.  Oliver  Perry,  presi- 
dent, Ladies  Patriotic  Associa- 
tion, 245 ;  mentioned,  254. 

Morton  Place,  376. 

Mulford,  Col.  John  E.,  370. 

Mullen,  Col.  Bernard  F.,  262m 

Munford,  Lt.  William  E.,  365,  371. 

Murfreesboro    (Tenn.),  315. 

Murray,  Lindley,  quotation  from 
Introduction  to  Sequel  to  The 
English  Reader,  145-46. 

Myers  Battery,  321. 

National  Road,  13-15. 

Nettle      Creek      Friends'      school 

(Wayne  Co.),  161. 
Nevin,    D.     R.     B.,    editor,     New 

Castle  Democratic  Banner,  98- 


New  Albany   (Ind.),  90. 

New  Castle  Democratic  Banner, 

New  Garden  Monthly  Meeting,  set 
up,  126;  school,  194. 

New  Garden  Quarter,  Indiana 
Yearly  Meeting,  194,  195. 

New  London  Quarter  (formerly 
Honey  Creek  Quarter),  West- 
ern Yearly  Meeting,  171,  203- 

New  Salem  Monthly  Meeting,  171. 

New  York  (N.  Y.),  routes  to, 
from  Indiana  towns,  67-68. 

New  York  and  Erie  Railroad,  45. 

New  York  Globe,  29. 

Newlin,  Thomas,  principal.  Spice- 
land  Academy,  183-84;  men- 
tioned, 150. 

Newport  (now  Fountain  City, 
Ind.),  Friends'  schools,   194. 

Newspapers,  free  transportation  on 
railroads,  83-84 ;  in  Indiana, 
1845-55,  PP-  7-8.  See  also 
names  of  newspapers  and  edi- 

Nicholson,  Timothy,  150. 

Nicklen,  Col.  Ben.  S.,  262. 

Noble,  Lazarus,  adjutant  general 
of  Indiana,  261,  262,  269-70, 
271,  281,  305,  306,  312,  367. 

Northern  Quarterly  Meeting  (now 
Fairmount),  192. 

Nunemacher,  J.  R.,  111-12. 

Ohio  and  Indianapolis  Railroad, 
see  Jeffersonville  Railroad. 

Ohio  and  Mississippi  Railroad 
Company  (Baltimore  and 
Ohio),  82. 

Ottenger,  J.,  letter  on  stagecoach 
service  between  St.  Louis  and 
Wheeling,  14-15. 

Overman,  Eli,  166. 

Owen,  Col.  Richard,  commandant 
at  Camp  Morton,  appointment, 
262 ;  treatment  of  prisoners, 
262,  263,  265,  272,  274 ;  rules 
for  Camp  Morton,  263-65  ;  use 
of  prisoners'  fund,  267-68 ;  ad- 
ministration criticized  and  de- 
fended, 274-75  ;  examines  peti- 
tions from  prisoners,  280-82 ; 
on  desire  of  some  prisoners  to 
take  oath  of  allegiance,  294 ; 
orders  record  of  prisoners  dy- 
ing at  Camp  Morton,  312 ; 
prisoners'  petition  for,  283-84 ; 
ordered  South  with  regiment, 
283-84 ;  memorial  to,  284-85 ; 
mentioned,  306. 

Packing  business,  effect  of  Madi- 
son and  Indianapolis   Railroad 

on,  53,  54,  55- 



Palmer,  Lt.  John  J.,  post  quarter- 
master, Camp  Morton,  268. 

Palmer,  John  J.,  trustee,  Madison 
and  Indianapolis   Railroad,  30. 

Palmer,  Nathan  B.,  president, 
Madison  and  Indianapolis 
Railroad,  21. 

Parker,  Benjamin  S.,  on  Quaker 
schools,  221. 

Parker,  Thomas,  166. 

Paroled  prisoners,  see  Civil  War, 
prisoners ;  Camp  Morton,  par- 
olee camp. 

Peddle,  Charles,  engineer,  52. 

Pendleton  (Ind.),  Indianapolis  and 
Bellefontaine  Railroad  reaches, 

Peru  and  Indianapolis  Railroad, 
reaches  Noblesville,  80-81  ; 
joins  union  track  and  Union 
Station,  99,  103. 

Pinkham,  Gilbert,  168. 

Pinkham,  William,  principal,  New- 
London  Quarterly  Meeting 
school,  204 

Plainfield  (Ind.),  Friends'  school, 

Plainfield  Quarter,  Western  Year- 
ly Meeting,  account  of  elemen- 
tary schools  in,  169.  See  also 
Central  Academy. 

Pleasant  Hill  Monthly  Meeting, 
school,  171. 

Pleasant  View  Friends'  school 
(Rush  Co.),    164-65. 

Pogue's  Run,  center  of  railroad 
activity,  103-4  >  improvement 
of,  26,  33-34,  35,  142;  men- 
tioned, 237. 

Poole,  Joseph,  168. 

Pope,  Gen.  John,  293. 

Poplar  Ridge  Seminary  (Hamil- 
ton Co.),  184,  203. 

Post  office,  set  up  at  Camp  Mor- 
ton, 244. 

''Potomac"  (State  Ditch),  238, 
325,  330,  342. 

Prices,  effect  of  railroad  on,  40- 
41  ;  of  railroad  equipment,  104- 
6 ;  railroad  rates,  37,  84 ;  rail- 
road stocks  and  bonds,  87-88 ; 
rations  during  Civil  War,  260- 

Prisoners  of  war,  see  names  of 
prison  camps ;  Civil  War,  pris- 

Puckett,  Benjamin,  168. 

Quakers,  see  Society  of   Friends. 
Quarterly    Meeting    Committee   on 

Education,  Society  of  Friends, 


Railroads,  accidents,  31-33,  46,  47- 
48,    110-11;    construction    and 
equipment :  Col.  T.  A.  Morris 
on,     106-7 ;     new    types    of, 
107-10;  increased  weight  of, 
iio-ii ; 
fuel   for,   1 10 ;   Indiana :  aban- 
doned,    86;     completed     or 
under  construction,  Nov.  12, 
j  850,  pp.  64-65 ;  map  show- 
ing, 63 ;  rapid  extension  of, 
37,  84;  rivalry  among  towns 
caused  by,  58-59,  65  f  f . ; 
Indianapolis :      northern      and 
eastern  routes  out  of,  urged, 
45 ;   schedule  for,  81  ;  union 
track  and  Union  Station,  99- 
organization  and  financing  of  : 
methods,     157;     stocks    and 
bonds,  prices,  87-88; 
speed,    52n,    62n,    84,    87,    no, 
111-12;    tribute    to    engineers, 
io7n;    warning    against    over- 
building    of,     65.     See     also 
names  of   individual  roads. 
Randle,  Robert,  on  midweek  meet- 
ing, 152-53- 



Rations,  see  Camp  Morton,  prison 
camp,  food;  training  camp, 

Ratliff,  Amos,  169. 

Ray,  James  Brown,  governor  of 
Indiana,  advocates  railroads, 

Raysville  (Ind.),  Friends'  school, 

Readers,  used  in  Quaker  schools, 

Reagan,  Chester  L.,  218. 

Reagan,  Rev.  John,  on  Spicewood 
High  School,  205-6. 

Reagan,  Thomas,  162. 

Reame,  Dr.  ,  310. 

Reserve    Monthly   Meeting.    171. 

Reynolds,  Col.  Joseph  J.,  com- 
mandant, Camp  Morton  train- 
ing camp,  240. 

Richland  Academy  (Carmel,  Ind.), 

Richmond  (Ind.),  see  Terre  Haute 
and  Richmond  Railroad. 

Richsquare  Academy  (Henry  Co.), 
176,  193. 

Riverside  Friends'  school  (Han- 
cock Co.),  165. 

Roads,  see  Michigan  Road,  Na- 
tional Road,  Railroads,  Trans- 

Roberts,  Dwight,  sutler  at  Camp 
Morton,  358. 

Robinson,  Edward  J.,  323. 

Rose,  Chauncey,  president,  Terre 
Haute  and  Richmond  Rail- 
road, 82. 

Rose,  Col.  David  Garland,  com- 
mandant at  Camp  Morton,  ap- 
pointment, 286 ;  contrast  of  ad- 
ministration with  Owen's,  288; 
precaution  against  prisoner  up- 
rising, 295. 

Rush,  Louisa,  donates  land  for 
Fairmount  Academy,   193. 

Rush,  Nixon,  donates  land  for 
Fairmount  Academy,  193. 

Rush  Creek  School  (Parke  Co.), 

Rushville  (Ind.),  linked  with 
Madison  and  Indianapolis  Rail- 
road, 52. 

Rushville  and  Lawrenceburgh  Rail- 
road, 77n. 

Rushville  Whig,  52. 

Sackett,  Robert  L.,  150. 

Salem    and    Indianapolis    Railroad, 


Salem  Friends'  school  (Union 
Co.),  164. 

Sand  Creek  Friends'  school  (Bar- 
tholomew Co.),   167. 

Sand  Creek  Friends'  Seminary 
(Bartholomew  Co.),  204. 

Sanders,  James,  principal,  Rich- 
land Academy,  200. 

Sanitary    Commission,   254,   269. 

Schools,  see  Society  of  Friends : 
education,  elementary  schools, 
seminaries  and  academies ; 
names  of   Friends'  schools. 

Shelby ville  (Ind.),  connected  by 
rail  with  Columbus,  71-72,  7211- 

Shelbyville  and  Knightstown  Rail- 
road, abandoned,  86 ;  leased  by 
Jeffersonville  Railroad,  70. 

Shelbyville  Lateral  Railroad,  con- 
struction, 51 ;  Madison  Courier 
argues  against  purchase  of,  by 
Madison,  71  ;  purchased  by 
Jeffersonville  Railroad  Com- 
pany, 70,  71,  72;  abandoned. 

Sherburne, ,  engineer,  Madi- 
son and  Indianapolis  Railroad, 

Sherman,  William  Tecumseh,  85n- 
86n,  255,  367. 



Silver     Creek     Monthly     Meeting, 

Smith,  Mary  Emily,  165-66. 
Smith,    Oliver    H.,    president,    In- 
dianapolis    and     Bellefontaine 
Railroad,    6on-6in,    62;    urges 
Indianapolis    to    become    rail- 
road center,  58-60 ;  mentioned, 
Smith,   William   M.,   leases   Union 

High  School  property,  200. 
Society  of  Friends,  education :  em- 
phasis on,  123-24;  "guard- 
ed," 124,  221  ;  influence  on 
and  contributions  to  public 
schools,  210,  212-14,  220,  221- 
23 ;  Monthly  and  Quarterly 
Meeting  committees  on,  136- 
37;  policy  outlined,  29-31; 
public  funds  for,  211 -12; 
elementary  schools :  accounts 
of,  159-/3;  beginnings  in  In- 
diana, 127-29,  134-35 ; 
changes  in,  151  ;  curriculum, 
141-42;  discipline,  147-48; 
enrollment,  151  ;  faculty, 
141,  143,  146-47,  148,  149- 
51 ;  financing  of,  135,  137-38, 
211-12;  length  of  term,  136; 
"loud,"  143 ;  moral  and  re- 
ligious instruction,  133-34, 
151-55;  recreation,  155-56; 
rules  governing  typical,  156- 
58 ;  success,  210  ;  textbooks, 
143-46 ;  three  types  in  In- 
diana, 135-36;  translation 
into  public  schools,  212;  see 
also  names  of  individual 
schools ; 
founding,  123  ;  movement  into 
Indiana,  124-27 ;  scruples 
against  bearing  arms,  i3on; 
seminaries  and  academies :  ac- 
counts of,  in  Indiana,  191- 
209;  beginnings,  174-75,  *77 ", 

boardinghouses,    179;    build- 
ings,    stages     of     transition, 
178-79;    curriculum,    185-89; 
decline,  213-20;  extracurric- 
ular activities,  189-90;  facul- 
ties  and    salaries,    183,    184; 
normal  courses,  189 ;  number 
of,    177-78;   peak  of   educa- 
tional program,  190,  213 ;  re- 
ligious   instruction,     180-81 ; 
report    of     Indiana    Yearly 
Meeting  Committee  on,  175- 
76;  student  body,  179;  typi- 
cal rules  and  discipline,  181- 
84;  see  also  names  of  indi- 
vidual  seminaries  and  acad- 
See    also    names    of    monthly 
meetings ;        Indiana       Yearly 
Meeting ;       Western      Yearly 
Sons    of    Liberty,    351-52,    361-63. 
See  also  Knights  of  the  Gold- 
en Circle. 
South  Wabash  Academy  (Wabash, 
Ind.),  account  of,  194-95  ;  men- 
tioned, 179-80. 
Spiceland    Academy,    account    of, 
191-92;  closes,  218-19;  courses 
of    study,    187-88;    efforts    to 
maintain,  215-16,  217-18;  nor- 
mal    course,     189;     strictness, 
183;  mentioned,  176,  178. 
Spiceland  Quarter,  Indiana  Yearly 
Meeting,   accounts   of   elemen- 
tary schools  in,  161-63. 
Spicewood    High    School    (Hamil- 
ton Co.),  178,  205-6. 
Sprague,  ,  engineer,  Colum- 
bus and  Bloomington  Railroad, 

Spring    Friends'    school     (Marion 

Co.),  170. 
Springfield    Monthly    Meeting,    set 

up,  126;  school,  160. 



Stagecoach  transportation,  13,  14, 

Stanley,  Irwin,  150. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  Secretary  of 
War,  threatens  retaliation, 
335;  mentioned,  269,  282,  292, 

319,  348. 

State  Ditch,  238.  See  also  "Po- 

Stephens,    ,     superintendent. 

Union  Board,  ioin. 

Stevens,    Col.    Ambrose    A.,    com- 
mandant    at     Camp     Morton, 
efforts:    to    expand    quarters 
and  hospitals  at  Camp  Mor- 
ton,     355-58;      to      prevent 
escapes,  344,  348;  to  prevent 
suffering  from  cold  weather, 
339-40 ; 
explanation     of     shooting     of 
prisoner,    345 ;    fears    uprising 
at  camp,  351-52;    first  report 
to     Hoffman,    334;     improve- 
ments at   Camp  Morton,  342; 
weakness     of     administration, 
333-34,    343;    mentioned,    328, 
333,  349,  363,  368,  370. 

Stevens,  Moses  C,  principal,  Farm- 
ers' Institute,  202-3 ;  men- 
tioned, 150. 

Stone,  Asahel,  commissary  at 
Camp  Morton,  249,  260,  261. 

Streight,  Col.  A.  D.,  242. 

Stringfellow,  Rev.  Horace,  rector, 
Christ  Church,  306. 

Sugar  Grove  Friends'  schools 
(Hendricks  Co.),  170. 

Sugar  Plain  Academy  (Boone 
Co.),  206. 

Sugar  Plain  Monthly  Meeting, 
172,  206. 

Sugar  River  Friends'  school 
(Boone  Co.),  171. 

Sugar  River  Monthly  Meeting, 
schools,  171-72. 

Sulphur  Spring  Friends'  school 
(Morgan  Co.),  167. 

Surgeons,  not  held  as  prisoners 
during  Civil  War,  260. 

Sutlers,  see  Camp  Morton,  prison 
camp,  sutlers ;  Civil  War,  sut- 

Tallack,  William,  208. 
Tennessee,    prisoners    from,    desire 
to  take  oath  of  allegiance,  294- 
95,  296,  319. 
Terre  Haute    (Tnd.),  79. 
Terre  Haute  and   Richmond   Rail- 
road,   chartered,    78 ;    joins    in 
union   tracks    and    Union    Sta- 
tion,   99 ;    schedule    and    rates, 

Terre  Haute  Express,  93-94. 

Terrell,  W.  H.  H.,  editor,  Colum- 
bus Gazette,  on  celebration  of 
completion  of  Madison  and  In- 
dianapolis Railroad,  38-40. 

Test,  Erastus,  150. 

Test,  Ralph,  218. 

Test,  Zaccheus,  150. 

Textbooks,  used  in  Quaker  schools, 

Thomas,  Harvey,  teacher,  Center 
Friends'  school,  171 ;  principal, 
Western  Agricultural  School, 
197 ;  principal,  Sugar  Plain 
Academy,  206. 

Thomas,  Lorenzo,  United  States 
Adjutant  General,  296. 

Thompson,  William,  168. 

Thorntown  Friends'  school  (Boone 
Co.),  172. 

Thorntown  Quarter  (formerly 
Concord),  Western  Yearly 
Meeting,  schools  in,  171-72. 

Tilford,  Dr.  J.  H,  309. 

Transportation,  canals,  16,  66,  79, 
102 ;  changes  in,  84-85,  85n ; 
failure    to    win    appropriations 



for,  14,  15;  of  mails,  15-16; 
of  merchandise  and  agricul- 
tural products,  16-17;  of  rail- 
road parts  from  Philadelphia 
to  Madison,  5in-52n;  roads: 
poor  condition,  13-15,  18;  vs. 
railroads,  44n-45n ; 
stagecoach,  13,  14,  I4n-I5n. 
See  also  Railroads. 

Treakle,  Horatio,  167. 

Tripler,  Surgeon  Charles  J.,  354. 

Trueblood,  Banjamin  F.,  on  educa- 
tion, 222 ;  teacher,  New  Gar- 
den School,  194;  mentioned, 

Tuke,  Henry,  123. 

Twiggs,  Gen.  David  E.,  251. 

Union  Grove  (later  Lamong) 
Friends'  school  (Hamilton 
Co.),  172. 

Union  High  School  (Hamilton 
Co.),  184,  198-200. 

Union  Quarter,  Western  Yearly 
Meeting,  172,  198-200. 

Union  Schoolhouse,  Fairfield 
Quarter  Friends'  school,   169. 

Union  Station,  see  Indianapolis 
(Ind.),  Union  Station. 

Union  Track  Railway,  sec  Indian- 
apolis (Ind.),  Union  Track 

Vajen,  Charles  D.,  273. 

Vallandigham,  Clement  Laird,  255. 

Valley  Mills,  see  Beech  Grove. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  14. 

Vance,  ,  engineer,  Indian- 
apolis and  Bellefontaine  Rail- 
road, 62. 

Vanhorn, ,  conductor,  In- 
dianapolis and  Bellefontaine 
Railroad,  64. 

Vermillion  Academy,  Vermillion 
Quarter,  172. 

Veteran     Reserve     Corps,     guards 

Camp  Morton,  333,  334,  373. 
Vicksburg  (Miss.),  315,  321. 

Wabash  (Ind.),  see  South  Wabash 

Wabash  and  Erie  Canal,  effect  on 
business,  16;  reaches  Evans- 
ville,  102 ;  mentioned,  66. 

Wabash  Quarterly  Meeting,  197; 
school,  163. 

Wages,  employees  of  Madison  and 
Indianapolis  Railroad,  19;  fac- 
ulty of  Friends'  schools,  149, 
184;  medical  staff,  prisoners' 
hospitals,  307,  329. 

Wallace,  Lew,  239-40,  242. 

Walnut  Grove  school  (Boone  Co.), 

Walnut  Ridge  Friends'  school 
(Rush  Co.),  164. 

Walnut  Ridge  Quarter,  Indiana 
Yearly  Meeting,  accounts  of 
schools  in,  164-65. 

Warner,  Col.  A.  J.,  365. 

Washington  Hall,  Indianapolis 
hotel,  58n. 

Weather,  at  Camp  Morton,  336, 
338-42,  353- 

Weaver  and  Williams,  Indianap- 
olis undertakers,  312. 

Webster  Monthly  Meeting  (for- 
merly Dover),  schools,  142-43, 

Weir,  A.  N.,  assistant  surgeon,  316. 
Wessells,  Gen.  Henry  W.,  358. 
West  Branch  Friends'  school,  later 

Cadiz   (Henry  Co.),  162. 
West  Grove  Monthly  Meeting,  set 

up,  126;  school,  172-73. 
West  Newton   (Ind.),  see  Easton. 
West  Union  School  (Morgan  Co.), 

Western  Agricultural  School  (later 

Bloomingdale   Academy),    197. 



Western  Grove  Friends'  school 
(Hancock  Co.),  165. 

Western  Manual  Labor  School 
(later  Bloomingdale  Acad- 
emy), 198. 

Western  Yearly  Meeting,  accounts 
of  elementary  schools  in,   167- 
73 ;   of  secondary  schools  and 
colleges    in,    197-207 ;    reports : 
on    curriculum     in    schools, 
142;  on  secondary  education, 
176-77 ;    on    Scripture    read- 
ing in  schools,  155 ; 
set  up,  132. 

Westfield  (Ind.),  see  Union  High 
School ;  Union  Quarter. 

Wrestfield  Quarter,  Indiana  Yearly 
Meeting,  schools,  164. 

Westland  Friends'  school  (Han- 
cock Co.),  165. 

Whitcomb,  James,  governor  of  In- 
diana, 37-38,  40. 

White,  Josiah,  165. 

White  Lick  Monthly  Meeting,  126. 
See  also  Mooresville  (Ind.), 
High  School. 

White  Lick  Quarter,  Western 
Yearly  Meeting,  schools:  ac- 
counts of  elementary,  167-68; 
rules   for  governing,   156-58. 

White's  Manual  Labor  Institute 
(Wabash  Co.),  165-66,  207. 

Whitehead,  ,  349. 

Whitewater  Monthly  Meeting,  set 
up,  T25-26 ;  schools :  accounts 
of,  127-28,  161  ;  described  by 
Eli  Jay,  128. 

Whitewater  Quarter,  Indiana 
Yearly  Meeting,  accounts  of 
elementary   schools   in,    159-61. 

Wickersham,  William,  principal, 
Sand  Creek  Friends'  Semi- 
nary, 204. 

Wilkes,  Dr.  ,  310. 

Willcox,  Gen.  Orlando  B.,  com- 
mander, Indiana  and  Michigan 
military  district,  318,  319,  320, 
323,  326. 

Williams,  see  Weaver  and  Wil- 

Williams,  Edward  P.,  recollections 
of  Camp  Morton  parolee  camp, 

Williams,  Lt.  Col.  John  S.,  262n. 

Wilson,  Drusilla,  203. 

Wilson,  James,  assistant  adjutant 
general,  270. 

Wilson,  Jonathan,  203. 

Wilson,  Timothy,  150. 

Winslow  and  Perkins,  New  York 
brokers,  30. 

Woodburn,  John,  70,  71. 

Woolman,  John,  123. 

Wright  House,  Indianapolis  hotel, 

Wyeth,  John  A.,  report  on  Camp 
Morton  prison  camp,  347n. 

CAMP  MORTON  1861-1865 








The  price  of  this  Publication  is  seventy-five  cents. 

Members  of  the  Indiana  Historical  Society  are  entitled  to 
one  copy  of  each  of  its  Publications  without  charge. 

The  Publications  may  be  ordered  from  the  Bobbs-Merrill 
Co.,  Indianapolis.  Current  numbers  may  also  be  obtained  at 
the  office  of  the  Society,  408  State  Library  and  Historical 
Building,  Indianapolis.